ETHIOPIAN TRIBUNE

Analysis & Commentary | Horn of Africa Affairs

SPECIAL REPORT: FAITH, ETHNICITY & ERASURE

The Church They Cannot Name

How the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church became a target without a headline and why the massacres in Arsi indicted not only the perpetrators, but the silence of the world

4 June 2026

WHEN a ten-year-old boy was shot in a teff field in the Merti district of Arsi, his photograph travelled briefly across Ethiopian social media before disappearing entirely from the international press. His leg was amputated. His name was not reported by the BBC. Al Jazeera did not dispatch a correspondent. CNN did not file a segment. The child survived; the silence was complete.

The date was November 2025. In the weeks surrounding that shooting, more than 140 Orthodox Christian civilians had been killed in the Sherka district of Arsi alone since September. By late October, coordinated attacks across Guna, Merti, Sherka and Holonto districts, carried out on the night of the 24th to the 25th had left at least 24 dead in a single assault, including a toddler and an 86-year-old. The total across October reached 33 confirmed dead. Church representatives in the Arsi archdiocese told reporters that over 200 believers had been killed in Merti district in recent years. Local youths who attempted to share information about the killings were subsequently arrested.

The Oromia regional administration’s response was immediate and unambiguous. The Arsi Zone Administrator, Ibrahim Kedir, declared that no one had been killed. The Oromia regional police described the area as ‘peaceful.’ The Inter-Religious Council of Ethiopia, dispatched to investigate, released a report claiming the victims ‘were not from one faith group’ a formulation that enraged the dioceses in the region and was characterised by prominent Ethiopian political figures as an attempt to dissolve the religious character of what had occurred into a neutralised, depoliticised abstraction.

This essay is concerned with that silence not primarily as a moral failure, though it is certainly that, but as a structural and politically explicable phenomenon. To understand why Arsi received no meaningful international coverage, one must first understand what the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church represents in the contemporary political imagination of Ethiopia’s ruling dispensation, and why it has become strategically advantageous for multiple actors domestic and foreign to render Orthodox Christian suffering legible only through the distorting lens of Amhara ethnic politics.

I. THE LABEL AS WEAPON

Professor Girma Berhanu, writing in these pages on 3 June 2026, observed that a painful and recurring pattern had emerged across major international outlets: when Ethiopia is discussed, Amhara perspectives are minimised, generalised, or excluded. The observation is precise, but the problem it diagnoses runs deeper than representation. The mechanism by which Amhara voices are excluded from international discourse is inseparable from the mechanism by which the Ethiopian Orthodox Church is persistently mis-categorised and it is this mis-categorisation that makes violence against Orthodox Christians so consistently invisible.

The EOTC is, by any historical reckoning, a pan-Ethiopian institution. Founded in the fourth century, it predates the category of ‘Amhara’ as a political identity by more than a millennium. Its liturgical tradition, the Ge’ez rite, is shared across Tigrayan, Amhara, and many Oromo communities. Approximately forty-five per cent of the Oromo population is Christian, and Orthodox Christians account for a substantial proportion of that figure. The Church’s membership spans ethnic and linguistic lines in ways that the contemporary ethnic-federal architecture of Ethiopia is systematically unable to acknowledge.

Yet the political weaponisation of ethnicity since the early 1990s has produced a powerful counter-narrative: that the EOTC is, at its core, a vehicle of Amhara cultural supremacy, a relic of imperial domination that must be reformed, broken, or subordinated to achieve genuine multiethnic democracy. This framing, promoted by elements within Oromo ethnonationalist discourse and by certain international analysts sympathetic to it, has served a double function. It delegitimises Orthodox Christian civic action as ethnic chauvinism rather than religious conviction, and it provides intellectual cover for state and non-state actors engaged in what can only be described as targeted violence against the Church and its adherents.

The consequences are empirically documented. A 2025 research paper published in the peer-reviewed journal Humanities concluded that the weaponisation of ethnic politics since 1994 had enabled religion to be instrumentalised, resulting in ‘the demonisation of the Amhara people and, by extension, the EOTC.’ A January 2026 Rift Valley Institute report noted that the security crisis had ‘disproportionately affected new regional minorities, in particular the Amharas living outside the Amhara region and Orthodox Christians, where they are a religious minority,’ and linked this directly to the political logic of ethnonational insurgency particularly in Oromia, where violence was being ‘strategically deployed to disrupt political alliances.’

Yet this body of evidence has produced almost no sustained international journalism. The question is why.

II. ARSI AS MICROCOSM

The Arsi zone of Oromia is not, for those familiar with Ethiopian ecclesiastical history, an incidental location. It is part of the Arsi Archdiocese, one of the most historic and deeply rooted of the Church’s regional structures. Orthodox Christians in Arsi are not recent settlers; many are the descendants of communities who have inhabited the region for centuries, their faith woven into the landscape through churches, monasteries, and the rhythms of the liturgical calendar.

What occurred in Arsi between September and November 2025 was not, according to multiple independent sources, a spontaneous outbreak of violence. It was sustained, coordinated, and geographically targeted. The attacks in Sherka, Guna, Merti and Holonto were carried out by armed groups operating with a consistency of method targeting farmers in their fields, entering homes at night, shooting worshippers that left church representatives describing the pattern in terms of deliberate ethnic and religious cleansing. The Oromo Liberation Army, which has operated extensively in Oromia since at least 2018, was identified in multiple reports as responsible for or implicated in the attacks.

In February 2026, the violence continued. On the 26th of that month, armed attackers struck a market in East Arsi, killing twenty Orthodox Christians and one Muslim guard. Two days later, gunmen entered a church and opened fire on those gathered for worship. By April, the International Christian Concern was documenting a pattern of killings, looting and forced displacement that it characterised not as isolated incidents but as a growing and repeated programme of violence. Thousands of Orthodox Christians were by that point displaced from their homes across East Arsi Zone.

The Crown Council of Ethiopia, in a statement issued on 31 October 2025, noted with particular gravity that ‘in recent years, the targeted killing of Orthodox Christians in Ethiopia has become a regular occurrence,’ citing additionally the massacre of monks at the Debre Kewakibt Ziquala monastery in June 2025, where four monks were abducted and killed. The statement called upon authorities to protect the faithful from ‘those elements who continue to persecute and kill people, targeting them on the basis of religion, ethnicity or any other criteria.’ No major international news organisation covered the Crown Council’s statement.

The Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, no radical body, confirmed in November 2025 that it had gathered information on killings in East Arsi’s Guna, Merti, Sherka and Holonto districts, and that five further farmers had been killed in Merti in early November, one of them a ten-year-old child. It confirmed that armed groups were responsible. The Inter-Religious Council’s counter-report, attempting to muddy the religious character of the targeting, was denounced by the affected dioceses as an exercise in institutional erasure.

None of this, not the numbers, not the official confirmation, not the children in hospital, not the displaced thousands generated a single substantive segment on the BBC’s Africa coverage, on Al Jazeera’s Ethiopia desk, or on CNN’s international broadcasting. The question of why requires more than an observation about editorial oversight.

III. THE POLITICAL ARCHITECTURE OF INVISIBILITY

There is no single conspiracy that explains the erasure of Orthodox Christian suffering in Arsi from international consciousness. What there is, instead, is a convergence of structural incentives, ideological assumptions, and access dynamics that together produce a reliable outcome: the disappearance of this violence from the global record.

The first and most important factor is the framing problem identified above. Because the EOTC has been successfully coded in much international analysis as an ‘Amhara institution,’ violence against its members is perceived however unconsciously as an episode in the ethnic conflict between Amhara and Oromo communities. This coding converts what is, at its core, a programme of religiously and ethnically targeted killing into a ‘both sides’ conflict, one that international editors have learned to treat with the caution they apply to all contested ethnic disputes. The victims become combatants by proxy; their faith becomes a political faction; and the massacre becomes an episode in a war, rather than a crime against a congregation.

The second factor is access. The Oromia regional government, under the political architecture of Abiy Ahmed’s Prosperity Party, has not been hospitable to independent journalism in areas where OLA-linked violence is occurring. Journalists who have attempted to report from Sherka, Merti or Holonto have encountered military checkpoints, obstruction, and the risk that local sources will be arrested as indeed happened to youths who shared information about the November killings. Without boots on the ground, international desks default to official sources; and the official Oromia sources were saying, unambiguously, that nothing had happened.

The third factor is what might be called the denominational blind spot. It is a fact, uncomfortable for some, that violence against Orthodox Christian communities in Africa receives systematically less international media attention than equivalent violence against Muslim communities, or against Protestant minorities in authoritarian contexts. This is not primarily a conspiracy; it reflects the distribution of journalistic focus, the preoccupations of editorial boards, and the particular attentiveness that certain NGO networks have cultivated with major news organisations. Orthodox Christianity is perceived, in much of the global North, as a conservative and somewhat archaic tradition. This perception colours coverage in ways that its practitioners rarely have the platform to contest.

The fourth factor is one that Professor Berhanu’s essay illuminates with particular clarity: the structural exclusion of Amhara voices from the panels, briefings and expert circuits that feed international journalism. When Al Jazeera assembles a panel on Ethiopian democracy, and no Amhara representative is present, the conversation proceeds without the constituency that has been most directly subjected to organised violence under the current political order. When Mehdi Hasan interviews Getachew Reda on the future of Ethiopia, and the Amhara dimension of the post-Tigray settlement is not raised, the absence shapes what millions of viewers understand to be the relevant landscape of Ethiopian politics. The silence in Arsi and the silence on international panels are not separate phenomena. They are the same phenomenon.

IV. THE PROSPERITY PARTY AND THE ASSAULT ON THE CHURCH

To understand Arsi fully, one must situate it within the broader strategy of the ruling Prosperity Party towards the EOTC, a strategy that has proceeded along two tracks simultaneously. The first is institutional: the engineering, in January 2023, of an illegal parallel synod in Oromia and the Southern Nations, orchestrated by three bishops led by Abune Sawiros and, according to extensive and credible reporting, backed by Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s inner circle. The goal of this schism was the fragmentation of the Church along ethnic lines, converting it from a pan-Ethiopian institution into a contested space divided between an ‘Oromia Church’ and a rump ‘Amhara Church.’ This effort ultimately failed, defeated by mass non-violent civic action from Orthodox Christians across the country. But the attempt was revelatory.

The second track is security: the failure, whether through incapacity or design, to protect Orthodox Christian communities in Oromia from the militia violence that has killed hundreds in recent years. EOTC leaders from Arsi and Bale reported more than 200 Orthodox killed since 2024, communities frequently described in official and semi-official communications as ‘Amhara Christians’ a label that, once applied, removes them from the category of Ethiopian citizens requiring state protection and relocates them in the category of ethnic encroachers whose presence in Oromo land is itself a political provocation.

This is the mechanism by which the label becomes lethal. When an Orthodox Christian farmer in Arsi is killed, and the official response characterises the dead as ‘Amhara Christians in Oromia,’ the state has not merely misidentified the victim. It has pre-authorised the crime by establishing that the victim’s presence was itself anomalous, and that the violence visited upon them is a legible if regrettable consequence of ethnic geographic politics. The victim is twice erased: first in death, then in classification.

This logic is not unique to Ethiopia. It is the grammar of all ethnic cleansing operations in the modern era, from the Balkans to Myanmar: the target community is first categorised as alien, then their victimisation is absorbed into the narrative of an ethnic dispute, and finally the international community, confronted with a ‘both sides’ story, opts for studied neutrality. The EOTC and its communities in Arsi are living through a version of this grammar. The unique feature of the Ethiopian case is that the Church against which it is being deployed is among the oldest continuous Christian institutions on earth.

V. WHAT THE WORLD CHOSE NOT TO SEE

There is a standard objection to the argument presented here, and it deserves a direct response. That objection runs as follows: Ethiopia is a country with multiple simultaneous crises the Tigray war, the Amhara conflict, the Oromo insurgency, the Somali border tensions. International media has limited bandwidth; not every atrocity can receive equal coverage; and the absence of reporting on Arsi reflects resource constraints rather than ideological selection.

This objection would be more persuasive if the same standard were applied consistently. It was not applied to the June 2025 bombing of the Mar Elias Church in Damascus, Syria, which received extensive and immediate coverage across every major Western outlet, with detailed analysis, expert commentary, and on-the-ground reporting within hours. That attack killed thirty people. In Arsi, over a comparable period, more than 140 were confirmed dead in Sherka alone and the silence was total.

The differential is not explained by resource constraints. It is explained by the differential legibility of victims. Syrian Orthodox Christians killed by an ISIS-linked bomber fit a recognisable international narrative: the endangered Christian minority, the Islamist perpetrator, the secular state struggling to contain extremism. This narrative has an established audience, an established set of NGO interlocutors, and an established emotional grammar in Western journalism. Ethiopian Orthodox Christians killed by OLA-linked militants in a region governed by a ruling party whose leader received the Nobel Peace Prize do not fit that narrative. Their suffering requires context that most editors are unwilling to supply and most correspondents have not been briefed to seek.

This is what Professor Berhanu means when he writes that ‘silence can become part of the story’ and that ‘selective attention can become a form of erasure.’ The erasure of Arsi from the international record is not a passive omission. It is an active consequence of the architecture of international attention and that architecture, as he rightly notes, shapes diplomatic conversations, humanitarian priorities, and historical memory.

It is worth noting, in this context, the tribute Professor Berhanu pays to photojournalist Jemal Countess and journalist Jeff Pearce individuals who have pursued the truth about anti-Orthodox and anti-Amhara violence in Ethiopia at personal and professional cost. That such figures must be mentioned as exceptions, rare exemplars of integrity in a field that has largely looked away, is itself a measure of how far the norm has departed from what journalism is supposed to be.

VI. THE OLDEST CHURCH IN THE WORLD AND THE NEWEST SILENCE

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church is not a political party. It is not a militia. It is not an instrument of any ethnic group’s hegemony, however vigorously that claim is prosecuted by its enemies. It is a living, ancient institution with a canon of scripture that predates the Arab conquest of North Africa, with illuminated manuscripts that predate the printing press, with a monastic tradition in Lalibela and on Lake Tana that has preserved theological and cultural knowledge through every catastrophe that the Horn of Africa has endured over seventeen centuries.

That this institution is under assault through schism, through land confiscation, through the killing of its priests and monks and farmers and children in their fields is a matter of historical record. That this assault has been made possible, in part, by an international discourse that has accepted the framing of the Church as ‘the Amhara institution’ is a matter of consequence that extends beyond Ethiopia’s borders.

Because if the oldest church in sub-Saharan Africa can be rendered invisible by the application of an ethnic label if two hundred dead in a single district of Oromia can be waved away by a regional administrator saying ‘no one was killed,’ and the world’s major newsrooms can nod along in silence then we have learned something important about the limits of the international community’s commitment to the protection of religious minorities and the documentation of atrocity.

What occurred in Arsi between September 2025 and April 2026 was not a communal conflict. It was not a land dispute. It was not the regrettable by-product of a complex civil war in which all sides bear responsibility. It was, as the Church’s own representatives described it, the targeted and sustained killing of a community on the basis of their religion and their ethnicity a campaign of elimination conducted in broad daylight, denied by the authorities responsible for the area’s security, and ignored by the institutions that exist, in theory, to bear witness.

The witnesses who did speak the dioceses of Arsi, the Crown Council, the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission, the International Christian Concern, the few independent journalists who managed to file from the ground spoke into a void. This essay is an attempt, however belated, to fill some part of that void. Not because the filling of a void in a periodical constitutes accountability. But because accountability begins, always, with the refusal to be silent.

VII. THE PANEL THAT PROVED THE POINT

On the occasion of Ethiopia’s June 2026 general election, the broadcaster TRT World’s programme The Newsmakers aired a segment titled ‘Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed seeks re-election amid fears of renewed civil war.’ It ran for approximately twenty-nine minutes. It is, for the purposes of this essay, a document of considerable instructive value not primarily for what it said, but for what it demonstrated about the architecture of international media representation of Ethiopia in practice, in real time, before a global audience.

The programme was structured in two parts. The first was a solo interview with Getachew Reda, identified on screen as adviser to Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed on Eastern African affairs and former president of the Tigray interim regional administration. The second was a panel of three analysts: Maza Gidei Gebremedhin, described as an international relations specialist, speaking from Washington; Robel Alemu, senior analyst and director of communications at the Amhara Association of America, speaking from Toronto; and Tsedale Lemma, journalist and founder of the Addis Standard newspaper, speaking from Frankfurt.

The presenter introduced this arrangement as a broadening of the discussion. In terms of the claims this essay has advanced, it was something rather more precise than that: it was a live demonstration of the erasure thesis, conducted under studio lighting, with credentials displayed, and streamed to an international audience.

Begin with Getachew Reda. His credentials as the interview’s primary subject were presented straightforwardly: adviser to Abiy Ahmed, former Tigray interim president. What the introduction did not dwell upon and what the presenter did not press was the particular quality of the political journey being described. Getachew Reda is a former senior official of the Tigray People’s Liberation Front: the organisation whose nearly three-decade dominance of Ethiopian politics Abiy Ahmed’s rise was explicitly designed to end, and whose subsequent armed conflict with the federal government produced hundreds of thousands of dead, the displacement of millions, and documented atrocities against civilian populations in Tigray, Amhara, and Afar alike. He is now, in the service of that same Abiy Ahmed, a figure of the federal establishment commenting on the fairness of an election from which the communities most subjected to state violence were systematically excluded.

When asked about the Amhara and Oromia regions, Getachew’s framing was revealing in its precision. He acknowledged ‘low-intensity conflicts’ in both areas, but his concern was not with the casualties or the humanitarian toll. His concern was with the fact that armed opposition elements were attempting to prevent people from voting. The violence itself the aerial strikes, the displacement, the killings was not his subject. The vote was his subject. Amhara suffering, in this framing, was relevant only insofar as it furnished evidence of the opposition’s illegitimacy, and irrelevant insofar as it might have furnished evidence of the government’s.

This is a form of rhetorical erasure so efficient that it barely registers as such. The dead are not denied; they are simply not mentioned. The conversation moves on. The presenter, to her credit, noted that ‘all parties involved have been accused of various atrocities.’ But this is the standard diplomatic hedge of professional broadcast journalism the gesture toward balance that preserves the impression of impartiality while declining to pursue the specificity that would make the accusation land.

Then came the panel. And here the structural problem identified by Professor Berhanu the systematic exclusion of Amhara voices from the expert circuits that feed international journalism was displayed with a clarity that no amount of editorial analysis can improve upon. Of the three panellists assembled to represent ‘opposition’ perspectives on the Ethiopian election, two were Tigrayan and one was the founder of a publication whose coverage has repeatedly been criticised, including by contributors to this newspaper, for insufficient engagement with the specific character of anti-Amhara and anti-Orthodox violence in Oromia.

The Amhara Association of America’s Robel Alemu, speaking from Toronto, was the exception and the exception proved the rule. In the space of approximately ninety seconds, he delivered the most substantive account of the humanitarian catastrophe in Ethiopia offered by any participant across the entire twenty-nine minute broadcast. He named the Lemkin Institute’s active genocide alert for the Amhara people. He cited the Amhara Association’s own documentation of more than 370 aerial strikes by state forces against civilian infrastructure health centres, schools, places of worship. He referenced a BBC report documenting mass rape in the Amhara region, with the majority of cases implicating government forces. He noted UNICEF’s figure of nine million children out of school nationally, with half drawn from Amhara. And then and this is the sentence that this essay has been building toward he stated directly that on election day itself, an active massacre was taking place in the Arsi area, implicating local militants, with attacks continuing against ethnic Amhara and Orthodox Christian communities.

Arsi. Named. On international television. On the day of the Ethiopian election.

The presenter thanked him and pivoted immediately to Maza Gidei Gebremedhin on the subject of a potential Ethiopia-Eritrea war. The question of Arsi the massacres, the aerial strikes, the genocide alert, the nine million children was not returned to. Not by the presenter. Not by Maza, whose response routed the conversation firmly through the prism of Tigrayan victimhood under a prospective Ethiopia-Eritrea conflict, emphasising that any future war would be fought ‘on the lines of Tigray, on the bodies of Tigrayan women, on the bodies of Tigrayan men.’ Not by Tsedale Lemma, who offered a fluent and well-informed analysis of the geopolitical dangers of Abiy Ahmed’s Red Sea ambitions important analysis, accurately framed but who did not once, across the entirety of her contributions, acknowledge the existence of the Arsi massacre, the Lemkin genocide alert, the documented rape campaign in Amhara, or the aerial strikes on civilian targets.

It is important to state clearly what this observation is not. It is not a claim that Tigrayan suffering is less important than Amhara suffering, or that Tsedale Lemma’s analysis was without merit, or that the TRT programme was uniquely or exceptionally deficient. The suffering in Tigray was real, massive, and is still unresolved. The analysis offered by Maza and Tsedale was, in its own terms, coherent and informed.

The observation is more precise and more structural than a comparison of suffering. It is this: a programme that assembled three ‘opposition’ analysts to comment on an Ethiopian election in which Amhara communities were among the most severely affected by state violence managed to produce, through the composition of its panel and the direction of its questioning, a broadcast in which the one representative of those communities stated his case once and was not heard from again on those specific terms. The panel did not engage with what he said. The presenter did not return to what he raised. The broadcast closed without any panellist having responded to the genocide alert, the aerial strikes, the rape figures, or the election-day massacre in Arsi.

This is the mechanism Professor Berhanu describes operating in plain sight. It does not require bad faith from any individual participant. Maza Gidei Gebremedhin was not lying when she spoke of Tigrayan vulnerability; she was speaking her genuine concern. Tsedale Lemma was not performing indifference when she analysed the Red Sea question; she was doing the work she knows how to do. The presenter was not malicious in her pivots; she was managing a panel format under time pressure. And yet the aggregate effect of all these individually defensible decisions was the production of a broadcast in which the systematic killing of Orthodox Christians in Arsi named on air by a panellist with direct organisational knowledge disappeared from the conversation within thirty seconds and was never retrieved.

This is what institutional erasure looks like when it operates not through censorship but through the ordinary mechanics of editorial selection, panel composition, and the distribution of follow-up questions. It is, in many ways, more difficult to challenge than censorship, because no single decision can be identified as the act of suppression. The suppression is the sum of the decisions; and the sum, in this case, was the burial, on international television, of an active massacre.

The TRT programme, in other words, did not merely illustrate the argument of this essay. It enacted it.

This essay draws on reporting by DNE Africa, Borkena, the International Christian Concern, the Global Human Rights Defence, the Rift Valley Institute, and the Crown Council of Ethiopia. The TRT World programme ‘Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed seeks re-election amid fears of renewed civil war’ (The Newsmakers, June 2026) is cited by transcript. This essay was developed in dialogue with the arguments advanced by Professor Girma Berhanu in his Tribune essay of 3 June 2026, ‘The Erasure of Amhara Voices in International Coverage of Ethiopia.’

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By Professor Girma Berhanu Department of Education and Special Education University of Gothenburg

Introduction

This paper is motivated by a recently circulated video produced in Gondar that documents practices of forced religious conversion and coercive manipulation directed at members of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The video

[i] depicts economically vulnerable Orthodox believers being pressured by Pentecostal groups—identified as “Mulu Wongel” (“Full Gospel”)—to renounce their faith, burn their kitab, and denounce Saint Mary (Kidist Mariam) in exchange for food aid and other forms of material assistance. Such practices raise serious concerns regarding freedom of religion, informed consent, and the exploitation of poverty.

The involvement of foreign religious actors, reportedly operating in coordination with local authorities, suggests a broader structural problem rather than isolated incidents. Anti-Orthodox campaigns have historical depth in Ethiopia and cannot be understood as recent developments. These campaigns intensified during the Woyane (the other name for Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) period and appear to have become increasingly visible and institutionalized in the post-TPLF/EPRDF era. The instrumentalization of material deprivation to induce religious conversion constitutes a violation of basic human dignity and, under international human-rights norms, may qualify as coercion.

This paper does not aim to engage in theological debate, nor does it seek to adjudicate doctrinal differences. Religion is acknowledged as a sensitive domain that often elicits strong reactions. Instead, the focus is on the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church as a historical, cultural, and social institution that has played a central role in shaping Ethiopian identity, social cohesion, and political sovereignty[ii].

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church is among the oldest Christian institutions in the world, yet it has faced sustained external and internal pressures since the sixteenth century, beginning with Portuguese Jesuit interventions. Subsequent periods witnessed continued incursions by both Islamic powers and Western evangelical missions. These efforts often relied on direct proselytization practices that were intrusive and coercive in nature, particularly when directed at economically marginalized communities. The author has observed these dynamics firsthand over several decades.

The manifestations of these pressures are complex and frequently parallel broader colonial or neo-colonial projects. During the Italian occupation, for example, Orthodox institutions and clergy were explicitly targeted. Italian forces carried out documented massacres of Orthodox monks, recognizing the church as a core pillar of Ethiopian nationalism, cultural continuity, and resistance to foreign domination. This historical record underscores the extent to which assaults on the church have also been assaults on Ethiopian sovereignty.

Of particular concern is the role of the Ethiopian state in the contemporary period. Since the rise of the TPLF/EPRDF, there has been documented evidence of systemic discrimination against the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and its adherents, alongside preferential treatment and institutional support extended to evangelical, Pentecostal, and Protestant groups. This pattern of state alignment has contributed to religious inequality, social fragmentation, and the erosion of long-standing communal structures. The Prime Minister and his high-ranking official belong to this group. They openly use the muscle of the state institutions to suppress the Orthodox Christians.

This paper argues that these developments warrant serious scholarly and advocacy-based attention. Addressing coercive religious practices and state-sanctioned disparities is essential not only for protecting religious freedom, but also for preserving social stability and historical continuity in Ethiopia.

Ethiopia at a Crossroads: Religious Violence, Ethnic Federalism, and Regional Instability

In the article “Ethiopia, the Land of the Bible, Brutally Targeting and Killing Christians,” Blanquita Cullum (December 25, 2025), presented on The National Security Hour, examines the contemporary crisis affecting Christian communities in Ethiopia. The presentation situates the origins of Christianity in Ethiopia within the ancient Aksumite Kingdom of the fourth century, 325 CE, following the conversion of King Ezana. Ethiopia possesses one of the world’s oldest continuous Christian traditions, reflected in its extensive religious heritage, including the eleven rock-hewn churches of Lalibela, carved from a single living rock. The country is referenced more than forty times in biblical texts, and longstanding traditions identify Ethiopia as the promised land of St. Mary and as the custodian of the Ark of the Covenant.

Christianity remains a major religious force in Ethiopia, with adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, as well as Greek Orthodox, Coptic, and other Christian denominations, numbering in the tens of millions. This enduring presence is largely attributable to Ethiopia’s historical role as a refuge for persecuted Orthodox Christian communities. Armenian and Greek Christians, fleeing persecution in the Ottoman Empire and other regions, migrated to Ethiopia and established enduring diaspora communities. Despite this substantial historical and demographic significance, Ethiopia is currently listed on several international risk assessments identifying heightened threats of armed conflict, political violence, terrorism, and kidnapping. Recent reports suggest that Christian populations—particularly members of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church—have increasingly become targets of violence, with incidents rising in both frequency and severity. The crisis raises critical questions regarding the motivations behind attacks on Christian communities and the strategic importance of Ethiopia within the Horn of Africa. Regional instability is underscored by Ethiopia’s proximity to Somalia, a country long affected by state fragility and armed conflict. Furthermore, the involvement of external actors, Egypt, the Gulf states, Turkey etc. warrants examination in light of Ethiopia’s geopolitical significance.

In response to these developments, the United States House of Representatives introduced Resolution H.R. 937, which condemns the Government of Ethiopia for actions that threaten regional stability, violate fundamental human rights, and undermine U.S. strategic interests in the Horn of Africa. The resolution emphasizes that violence has disproportionately targeted the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and other religious institutions. Substantial evidence suggests the involvement of the Oromo Liberation Front and Oromo Liberation Army (OLF/OLA), and Islamic Oromya operating in complicity with elements of the current governing structure.

Ethiopia’s historical identity extends beyond religion. It is the site of the paleoanthropological discovery of Australopithecus afarensis (“Lucy”), the location of Lalibela’s UNESCO-recognized churches, the alleged resting place of the Ark of the Covenant in Axum, and the birthplace of coffee. These widely recognized cultural and historical markers heighten international awareness and underscore the gravity of the country’s present suffering.

Contemporary reports describe a systematic campaign of violence affecting both religious and ethnic communities. Ethiopian Orthodox clergy have been killed, churches destroyed, and entire populations forcibly displaced. Documentation includes accounts of mass killings, sexual violence, and drone strikes against civilian populations. The Amhara people, in particular, have experienced displacement on a scale involving hundreds of thousands.

This crisis is not solely a localized humanitarian emergency but is rooted in a broader political framework of ethnic federalism that has, according to numerous analyses, been instrumentalized by political elites to consolidate power. The resulting fragmentation threatens the cohesion of a state that has endured for millennia. The potential collapse of Ethiopia would have profound regional consequences, jeopardizing trade routes, exacerbating security vacuums, and enabling extremist organizations and foreign powers to expand their influence across the Horn of Africa. H.R. 937 represents a formal acknowledgment of these abuses and calls for concrete measures to protect civilian populations and ensure accountability for perpetrators. The resolution advocates targeted sanctions and the conditional provision of international assistance aimed at safeguarding civilians rather than entrenching political regimes. As such, it constitutes a normative and policy-oriented response to a crisis with significant humanitarian, regional, and geopolitical implications.

Moral Silence in the Face of Atrocity: Religious Leadership and Mass Violence in Contemporary Ethiopia

Ethiopians are currently enduring profound suffering and a pervasive, collective national grief. The country’s fate appears increasingly shaped by ethnonationalist forces, ethno-fascist mobilizations, and violent groups operating both within and outside the present political leadership. Atrocity crimes—including murder, mass killings, arbitrary detention, and other forms of inhumane treatment of civilians—have become disturbingly routine.

At the time of writing, violence continues unabated, particularly in the Amhara region, which has effectively become a war zone. Approximately six million school-aged children are out of school, state institutions are largely nonfunctional, agricultural activity has been disrupted, and access to health services is severely limited. The region has witnessed large-scale internal displacement and migration. International reporting indicates that tens of thousands—though the precise number remains undetermined—have been killed, including through drone strikes and other weaponry. Civilians endure indescribable suffering, compounded by reports of forced religious conversion and systematic abuses directed at Ethiopian Orthodox Church institutions and clergy[iii].

Amid these conditions, pressing questions arise: Where are the voices of international humanitarian organizations? Where is the collective response of the international community? Why is there such limited global condemnation of the killing of Ethiopians—young and old alike? Equally troubling is the relative silence of domestic religious leadership. Ethiopia’s religious institutions are moral centers where fundamental ethical principles are taught—most notably, that the taking of life is wrong and that inflicting suffering upon others constitutes a grave violation of divine law. Yet these principles are not being articulated with sufficient clarity or urgency in response to the current crisis.

It is widely recognized that there is no military solution to the ongoing violence and genocidal acts in Ethiopia. Religious and spiritual leaders—both within the country and throughout the diaspora—must therefore speak out forcefully, consistently, and unambiguously. They must affirm that all Ethiopians are children of God and that murder represents a profound desecration of the very faith such violence claims to defend. The ongoing silence of religious establishments in the face of mass atrocities is deeply troubling and risks becoming catastrophic for efforts to preserve Ethiopia’s unity and to protect the sanctity of human life. Forced religious conversion, moreover, constitutes a violation equal in moral gravity to physical violence.

In times of national disaster or collective trauma, religious leaders traditionally serve as frontline caregivers and trusted moral authorities. Communities look to them for comfort, healing, and guidance, and they are expected to act as the voice of the voiceless. While the primary role of religious leadership is spiritual care—providing compassion, empathy, clarity, and hope in moments of crisis—it also includes a responsibility to condemn killings, denounce inhumane treatment and forced conversion, and publicly admonish political leaders who perpetuate violence.

The current situation in Ethiopia urgently requires such leadership. Religious institutions possess a unique capacity to help halt the violence orchestrated by political elites whose actions threaten to destroy Ethiopia’s social fabric, undermine the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, and provoke prolonged civil war. Beyond condemnation, these leaders are also positioned to facilitate national dialogue, reconciliation, and the pursuit of sustainable peace. Their established social authority, extensive networks, and faith-based moral frameworks equip them to respond meaningfully to the profound suffering experienced by millions of Ethiopians.

It must be acknowledged that some courageous religious figures have spoken out against these atrocity crimes. Notably, several bishops from the Amhara region and the late Sheikh Haji Omar Idris—the Grand Mufti of Ethiopia and former president of the Islamic Affairs Supreme Council—publicly expressed grave concern regarding the deteriorating situation and the commission of mass atrocities. It is possible that other leaders have voiced similar concerns privately or within limited forums. Nevertheless, what is required now is a far stronger, unified, and unequivocal public condemnation by Ethiopia’s major religious institutions. Such moral leadership is not optional; it is imperative.

Faith Under Siege: Ethiopia’s Orthodox Church in a Changing Religious Landscape

I want to believe that the majority of Catholics, Orthodox Christians, Muslims, and Ethiopian Protestant Churches (including Pentecostals, both as organizations and as individual believers) have fought—and continue to fight—for justice, truth, and the rule of law throughout Ethiopian history. However, the forms of resistance and protest have varied significantly among these religious communities. Compared to the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, one of the oldest Christian institutions in the world, Protestant denominations—including Evangelical, Pentecostal[iv], Methodist, Lutheran, Baptist, Episcopalian, Mennonite, Seventh-day Adventist, the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, and numerous other fragmented Protestant churches—are relatively recent arrivals in Ethiopia. Consequently, their roles and engagements in Ethiopian political life differ accordingly.

As Haustein (2014) [v]notes, a new religious factor has emerged in Ethiopia that attracts considerable public attention, invites controversy, influences social behavior, and has even generated new Amharic expressions. This phenomenon is visible in the proliferation of church signs in towns and villages bearing names such as “Full Gospel Believers Church” (ሙሉ፡ወንጌል፡አማኞች፡ቤተ፡ክርስቲያን, Mulu Wängel Amañočč Betä-Krəstiyan), “Paradise Church” (ገነት፡ቤተ፡ክርስቲያን, Gännät Betä-Krəstiyan), “Light of Life Church” (ሕይወት፡ብርሃን፡ቤተ፡ክርስቲያን, Ḥəywät Bərhan Betä-Krəstiyan), “Deliverance Church” (አርነት፡ቤተ፡ክርስቲያን, Arənnät Betä-Krəstiyan), among many others.

There are widely held—though largely unsubstantiated—claims that some Protestant sects passively collaborate with the ruling regime because the government has granted them greater space to practice their religion. Another equally contested claim suggests that, since the regime (whether under the EPRDF, the Prosperity Party, to match Oral Robert’s Prosperity Gospel) or the broader political elite) has adopted an anti-Orthodox posture and undermined Orthodox traditions, these newer religious groups have felt emboldened or even satisfied by the weakening of what they perceive as a rival religious establishment.

The expansion of Protestant denominations is undeniable. However, their relationships with long-established religious communities—particularly the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and the Muslim community—have been fraught with tension. One major point of contention is aggressive proselytization, including practices that critics argue involve materially incentivizing conversions among impoverished Orthodox believers. It is long overdue for Protestant churches, Muslim organizations, and the Orthodox Church—whose leadership has itself been manipulated by the regime—to take coordinated and principled action in condemning atrocities committed in Ethiopia, especially assaults on Orthodox believers, their ancient traditions, artifacts, and sacred relics.

Internal disputes and doctrinal rivalries over relatively minor theological differences only serve to prolong the grip of authoritarian or ethnofascist forces on power, thereby exacerbating the suffering of the faithful. While religious institutions should remain independent of political control in a just, inclusive, and democratic society, Ethiopia’s reality has been markedly different. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church was heavily controlled under the EPRDF and continues to be influenced by sympathizers of extremist and ethnicist forces, particularly those emerging from anti-Ethiopian movements in regions such as Oromia. Reports from Dire Dawa, Harar, and eastern Ethiopia are deeply alarming and warrant a separate, focused analysis.

A closer examination of the power structure within the Ethiopian Orthodox Patriarchate reveals that an estimated 90 percent of departmental leadership positions have been held by former TPLF members or current Prosperity Party affiliates (though precise figures are unavailable). This political capture explains, in part, why the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church is facing both financial hardship and severe restrictions on its religious autonomy. The regime has repeatedly violated religious freedom by intervening directly in Orthodox ecclesiastical affairs.

Ironically, historic churches such as Lalibela and Axum Zion generate substantial revenue through tourism, yet the Church itself has seen little benefit from this income. Since the TPLF came to power, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church has borne the brunt of discriminatory policies and systematic marginalization. A commonly cited explanation for the government’s hostility toward the Orthodox foundation lies in the Church’s deep-rooted tradition of Ethiopianism. The Church is famously associated with the Ethiopian flag and has long served as a custodian of national identity. Under the new regime, the situation has worsened. Abiy’s ministers, allies, and a shadow government appear influenced by the Prosperity Gospel movement—an extremely aggressive, profit-driven, and mafia-like organization—which has had a damaging impact not only in Ethiopia but across numerous African countries, often depriving the poor and vulnerable.

Several factors have historically complicated relations between successive regimes—including both the Tigrean-led and Abiy administrations—and the Church. First, for centuries, the Ethiopian Orthodox Church stood at the center of village social life. Weddings, baptisms, funerals, conflict mediation, and spiritual counseling were all conducted through the Church. Each household was spiritually connected to a priest who served as a religious “father” and presided over key life-cycle events. In this way, the Church was embedded in every community.

Second, the Church functioned as a vital link between the people and the state. It consistently aligned itself with Ethiopian emperors who, in turn, promoted the Church’s unity, expansion, and authority. Hierarchically organized from village parishes to a national center, the Church embodied both spiritual and socio-cultural life. It played a critical role in mediating conflicts—between rival groups and even between the state and rebel forces—while fostering allegiance to the Ethiopian state. Through the use of national symbols, especially the Ethiopian flag during religious and social ceremonies, the Church effectively served as a school of national consciousness, a practice mirrored by the Ethiopian military.

Third, the Church historically served as the principal legitimizing institution for Ethiopian rulers. Long-standing grievances regarding the TPLF’s hijacking of the Orthodox Church were later substantiated in Aregawi Berhe’s A Political History of the TPLF, as referenced by Getachew Redda (see: Ethiopian Semay, accessed 2018-02-08). Notably, I have never observed the Ethiopian flag being prominently displayed during ceremonies or festivities of other religious institutions in Ethiopia—though I remain open to correction on this point.

Above all, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church has historically maintained, affirmed, and defended the just liberties of the Ethiopian people and the nation’s territorial integrity. During periods of foreign invasion, it provided moral support and spiritual inspiration to Ethiopian patriots, reinforcing its enduring role as both a religious and national institution.

Since its inception, the ruling party has clandestinely organized and operated activities that are hostile toward the Ethiopian Orthodox Church and the Muslim community. It has infiltrated and “contaminated” these foundational institutions, which are central to Ethiopian identity and the ethos of Ethiopianism. These religious establishments are perceived as threats to a ruling agenda centered on un-Ethiopian policies. The commitment and zeal of Orthodox followers—to both their faith and the integrity of Ethiopia—has been documented by international observers and researchers.

According to Jeff Diamant (2017)[vi], a senior writer/editor at Pew Research Center focusing on religion, Ethiopia has the largest Orthodox Christian population outside Europe. By many measures, Orthodox Ethiopians display far higher levels of religious commitment than Orthodox Christians in the faith’s historical heartlands of Central and Eastern Europe. Ethiopia, located in the Horn of Africa, has over 45 [?]million Orthodox Christians, making it the world’s second-largest Orthodox population after Russia. Nearly all Orthodox Ethiopians (98%) consider religion very important, compared with a median of 34% among Orthodox Christians across 13 surveyed countries in Central and Eastern Europe. About three-quarters of Orthodox Ethiopians attend church weekly (78%), compared with a median of 10% in Central and Eastern Europe and just 6% in Russia.

Orthodox Christians make up approximately 53%[vii] of Ethiopia’s population, with Protestants accounting for 19% and Muslims 35%. In 2010, Ethiopia’s 36 million Orthodox Christians comprised about 14% of the global Orthodox population, up from 3% in 1910. This growth is largely attributable to Ethiopia’s overall population increase, from 9 million in 1910 to 83 million in 2010. Ethiopian Orthodoxy belongs to the Oriental branch of Orthodoxy, which represents roughly 20% of the global Orthodox population and is not in communion with the larger Eastern Orthodox Church due to theological and doctrinal differences.

For these reasons, the current ruling party view the Orthodox Church as a threat to their “divide and rule” strategies. Some reports suggest that evangelical Protestantism (particularly Pentecostalism) is aggressively attempting to convert members, while fundamentalist Islam is becoming increasingly assertive in the country and the region. However, substantial empirical data is required before these claims can be definitively stated. Premature discussion risks creating divisions that only prolong the regime’s merciless attacks on Ethiopia and Ethiopian identity.

It is high time for Ethiopian youth to stop being used as cannon fodder and for religious institutions to cease acting merely as passive observers—or worse, as facilitators of burial services for unarmed citizens murdered under the regime. Religious schisms, particularly among the diaspora, must end to preserve unity in the face of persecution.

Ethiopians must have access to international platforms to present their case, including the United Nations and its judicial bodies, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), the International Criminal Court (ICC), global media outlets, religious institutions, prominent cultural figures, and independent think tanks that provide early warnings of crises. The persecution of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church—including forced conversions, derision, and systematic erasure—is part of a broader genocidal agenda. Early warning signs of catastrophic risk in Ethiopia are already evident. The international community must respond urgently to prevent the destruction of the country and the destabilization of the wider region. Failure to act will have devastating consequences for Ethiopia and beyond.

Summary and The Road Forward

At this critical moment in Ethiopian history, what do we expect from our religious leaders—regardless of denomination, sect, or doctrine? We expect courage, honesty, and moral clarity.

Political elites are manipulating divisions among religious leaders and ethnic groups. Silence from our spiritual authorities in the face of atrocities is unacceptable. Religious leaders have a moral duty to speak out, call for justice, and hold the powerful accountable. The faith community looks to you not just for guidance, but for action. Religious authority carries power. Used wisely, it can galvanize communities toward justice. Used poorly—or not at all—it allows oppression to flourish. Ethiopia’s political, social, and economic systems are infiltrated by ethnonationalist forces that marginalize the majority. It is time for religious leaders—at every level—to mobilize followers for an inclusive, just, and humane society.

Internal colonization, inequality, and domination are real. Ethiopian religious leaders have historically resisted foreign colonizers and homegrown oppressors alike. Today, despite doctrinal differences, unity is essential. Moral courage is not optional: failure to speak out against killings, repression, and persecution will be judged by the people, by history, and by God.

In some regions, extremist attacks have burned churches, killed clergy and laypeople, and forced conversions. For Orthodox Tewahedo Christians, religion is inseparable from ethnic identity, language (Geʽez), and history. Forced conversion erases heritage, tradition, and belonging. Yet, for over 1,700 years, the faith has survived and remains central to Ethiopian civilization.

The battle today is clear: good versus evil, life versus death. There is no room for doctrinal disputes when human lives, justice, and Ethiopia’s future are at stake. Religious leaders must rise together, unite communities, and act decisively. The time for moral courage is now.

“In keeping silent about evil, in burying it so deep within us that no sign of it appears on the surface, we are implanting it, and it will rise up a thousand-fold in the future. When we neither punish nor reproach evildoers, we are not simply protecting their trivial old age, we are thereby ripping the foundations of justice from beneath new generations.”

― Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, The Gulag Archipelago 1918-1956

Academic & Scholarly Sources

Ademe, S. M. (2021). Ideological violence towards the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church in the post-1960s. Politics and Religion Journal. https://doi.org/10.54561/prj1502377a

Crummey, D. (2006). Church and nation: The Ethiopian Orthodox Täwahedo Church (from the thirteenth to the twentieth century). In M. Angold (Ed.), The Cambridge history of Christianity (pp. 457–487). Cambridge University Press.

Liyew, D. M. (2024). Politics of secularism in Ethiopia: Repression or co-option towards the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church? European Scientific Journal, 20(11).

Persecution of Orthodox Tewahedo Christianity. (n.d.). Grokipedia.

Systematic persecution in Oromia: The role of militias and political actors in targeting Ethiopian Orthodox Christians. (2025). Borkena.

The shattered cross: A chronicle of state-sanctioned persecution against Ethiopia’s Orthodox Christians. (2025). Borkena.

Woybela Mariam Church incident. (2022). Wikipedia.

[i] https://youtu.be/XQZso_nY_cI?si=7ygVs7jcgfWwhPfO

[ii] https://www.americaoutloud.news/ethiopia-the-land-of-the-bible-brutally-targeting-and-killing-christians/

[iii] Insight, Addis (2023-02-15). “The Persecution of Ethiopian Orthodox Church Followers: A Comparison to Jewish Persecution Throughout History”. Addis Insight. Retrieved 2023-09-03.

[iv] Jörg Haustein (2014) argues that despite its fairly ubiquitous presence, there are hardly any academic publications about this new religious factor. The standard Amharic dictionaries do not yet include the term ጴንጤ (pänṭe) and its correct spelling is not solidified. Obviously, the word is derived from the Amharic term for Pentecost (ጰንጠቆስጤ, pänṭäqosṭe), or the English “Pentecostal,” and as such it points to the Pentecostal movement. But how did Pentecostalism come to Ethiopia in the first place? Why has it become such a notable phenomenon only now, whereas in other African countries, such as neighboring Kenya, it has been around for much longer

[v] Jörg Haustein (2014) Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Ethiopia: A Historical Introduction to a Largely Unexplored Movement.Hatem Elliesie (ed.): Multidisciplinary Views on the Horn of Africa. Studien zum Horn von Afrika, 1, Köln 2014, pp. 109–127.

[vi] Ethiopia is an outlier in the Orthodox Christian world http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/11/28/ethiopia-is-an-outlier-in-the-orthodox-christian-world/

[vii] The statistical data are difficult to interpret, and precise figures remain contested. Nevertheless, the estimate cited may be plausible. Over the past five decades, large numbers of Amharas are reported to have been killed in episodes of mass violence. During a parliamentary discussion approximately twelve years ago, an expert from the national census office stated that approximately 2.5 million Amharas were unaccounted for in the census data. The fate of this population remains unexplained. It has also been openly acknowledged by some political figures that the Amhara population is underrepresented in official statistics, yet public discussion of the apparent disappearance of large numbers of Amharas remains limited. It is reasonable to infer that, among those unaccounted for, an overwhelming majority were adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church.

[1] https://www.americaoutloud.news/ethiopia-the-land-of-the-bible-brutally-targeting-and-killing-christians/

[1] Insight, Addis (2023-02-15). “The Persecution of Ethiopian Orthodox Church Followers: A Comparison to Jewish Persecution Throughout History”. Addis Insight. Retrieved 2023-09-03.

[1] Jörg Haustein (2014) argues that despite its fairly ubiquitous presence, there are hardly any academic publications about this new religious factor. The standard Amharic dictionaries do not yet include the term ጴንጤ (pänṭe) and its correct spelling is not solidified. Obviously, the word is derived from the Amharic term for Pentecost (ጰንጠቆስጤ, pänṭäqosṭe), or the English “Pentecostal,” and as such it points to the Pentecostal movement. But how did Pentecostalism come to Ethiopia in the first place? Why has it become such a notable phenomenon only now, whereas in other African countries, such as neighboring Kenya, it has been around for much longer

[1] Jörg Haustein (2014) Pentecostal and Charismatic Christianity in Ethiopia: A Historical Introduction to a Largely Unexplored Movement.Hatem Elliesie (ed.): Multidisciplinary Views on the Horn of Africa. Studien zum Horn von Afrika, 1, Köln 2014, pp. 109–127.

[1] Ethiopia is an outlier in the Orthodox Christian world http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2017/11/28/ethiopia-is-an-outlier-in-the-orthodox-christian-world/

[1] The statistical data are difficult to interpret, and precise figures remain contested. Nevertheless, the estimate cited may be plausible. Over the past five decades, large numbers of Amharas are reported to have been killed in episodes of mass violence. During a parliamentary discussion approximately twelve years ago, an expert from the national census office stated that approximately 2.5 million Amharas were unaccounted for in the census data. The fate of this population remains unexplained. It has also been openly acknowledged by some political figures that the Amhara population is underrepresented in official statistics, yet public discussion of the apparent disappearance of large numbers of Amharas remains limited. It is reasonable to infer that, among those unaccounted for, an overwhelming majority were adherents of the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church.

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How a government courting Tehran and BRICS finds itself branded a persecutor in Washington

By E Frashie Ethiopian Tribune columnist

There is a peculiar theatre unfolding around Ethiopia, a split screen of self-perception and international indictment that would be comic if the stakes weren’t measured in mass graves and famine. On one side of the screen: Ethiopian officials touring Tehran’s defence fair, posturing at BRICS summits, invoking anti-colonial rhetoric over the Nile, and dreaming aloud of Red Sea access. On the other: Rep. Earl “Buddy” Carter of Georgia introducing a congressional resolution that reads less like diplomacy and more like an indictment, accusing Addis Ababa of war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the persecution of Christians specifically the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, one of the world’s oldest Christian communities.

The irony is not subtle. A government that presents itself as a bulwark against Western interference, a champion of African sovereignty, and a rising power in the Global South is now being publicly flogged in the US Congress as a violator of religious freedom. Faith, it turns out, is both Ethiopia’s shield and its vulnerability a moral fault line that diaspora activists and American lawmakers are now exploiting with surgical precision.

The congressional resolution is not built on abstractions. Behind its legalese lies a pattern of violence so systematic it defies dismissal as isolated incidents. In Arsi last month, over 30 Orthodox Christians were brutally killed in coordinated attacks. In Horo Guduru Wollega, on 30 November, two Orthodox clergy—Meleake Edom Fr. Dhuguma Uffa, chief executive of the archdiocese, and Fr. Desalegn Nemomsa from Mahibere Kidusan, were abducted whilst returning from the Feast of St Mary celebration at Harreto, near Shambu town. Both were later found dead.

Let that sink in: priests murdered for attending a religious feast. Not in the heat of battle, not as collateral damage in some broader conflict, but abducted on their way home from celebrating the Virgin Mary and executed. The perpetrators remain unidentified. No arrests have been made. No official motive has been disclosed. The families and faithful are left with bodies and silence a combination that breeds both grief and rage.

This is not anomalous. It is algorithmic. Orthodox Christians in regions like Oromia, Wollega, and Arsi have become targets in a campaign that church leaders describe as systematic persecution. Bishops are intimidated. Churches are desecrated or closed. Believers are killed not despite their faith but because of it. His Grace Abune Nikodimos, bishop of the Horo Guduru Wollega Archdiocese, has called the killings “an assault on faith, freedom, and human dignity.” He is not exaggerating.

For context: the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church is not a fringe sect. It claims roughly 76 million adherents, making it the largest religious body in Ethiopia and one of the oldest Christian traditions in the world, tracing its roots to the fourth century. When a state allows, or orchestrates, the systematic killing of this community’s clergy and faithful, it is not managing ethnic tensions or fighting insurgency. It is committing cultural erasure.

The resolution didn’t materialise from congressional concern alone. Behind it stands a networked diaspora organisations like the Amhara Association of America and the American-Ethiopian Public Affairs Committee (AEPAC), that have spent years translating Ethiopia’s internal horrors into a language Washington understands: strategic threat, religious persecution, geopolitical liability. This is diaspora diplomacy at its most potent. These groups are not merely lobbying; they are writing the script for US policy. By framing Ethiopia’s repression through the lens of Christian persecution backed by documented atrocities like the Arsi massacre and the Wollega clergy murders, they’ve tapped into a bipartisan moral vocabulary that resonates across the American political spectrum. Evangelical Republicans and human-rights Democrats alike can rally around the image of ancient churches desecrated, bishops intimidated, believers starved, and priests abducted from religious celebrations and killed.

The diaspora’s genius lies in localisation and documentation. They’ve planted roots in swing districts, cultivated relationships with lawmakers like Carter, and ensured that Ethiopia’s crisis is no longer an abstraction but a constituent concern backed by names, dates, and body counts. When a congressman from Georgia tables a resolution citing specific incidents, 30 killed in Arsi, two clergy murdered in Wollega, it signals a shift: Ethiopia’s internal repression has been successfully internationalised, repackaged as a threat not just to Ethiopians but to US interests in the Horn of Africa.

The resolution’s most consequential demand is the deployment of Global Magnitsky Act sanctions targeted measures that bypass the state and strike at individuals. Travel bans. Asset freezes. Public designation as human rights violators. This is not the blunt instrument of comprehensive sanctions; it’s a scalpel designed to isolate elites and make complicity costly. For Ethiopian officials who’ve grown accustomed to impunity at home, Magnitsky sanctions represent a different calculus. Bank accounts in Dubai and London suddenly matter. Children studying in the West become hostages to reputation. The ability to travel, invest, and launder wealth abroad, the perks of power, evaporate.

The question is not whether officials are implicated in atrocities, the pattern is clear. The question is whether anyone will be held accountable. When clergy can be abducted and killed after a religious feast with no arrests, no investigation, no consequences, it signals either state complicity or state collapse. Either way, Magnitsky sanctions would force a reckoning: officials would have to choose between personal wealth abroad and continued impunity at home. The symbolic weight is equally significant. Magnitsky listings are public. They name names. They create a permanent record that follows individuals long after they’ve left office. For a government that prizes its image as a developmental state and continental leader, having its officials branded as war criminals in Washington is a reputational disaster, one that undermines Ethiopia’s BRICS aspirations and Tehran partnerships even as it unfolds.

Yet sanctions are also a gamble. If applied clumsily, they risk entrenching the very authoritarianism they aim to deter, providing Addis Ababa with a convenient nationalist narrative: “The West is punishing us for refusing to bow.” Ethiopia’s leadership has already shown a talent for reframing external pressure as neo-colonial meddling. Magnitsky sanctions could easily become another chapter in that story.

Here is the paradox Ethiopia’s government now inhabits: it seeks legitimacy in Tehran, Moscow, and Beijing whilst facing delegitimisation in Washington, Brussels, and amongst its own diaspora. It projects strength abroad, military posturing over Red Sea access, economic ambitions in BRICS, whilst its internal governance is collapsing under the weight of ethnic violence, famine, and religious repression. The two narratives are colliding. Ethiopia cannot be simultaneously a rising power and a failing state, a defender of sovereignty and a violator of human rights, a partner in Tehran and a pariah in Washington. Yet this is the tightrope Addis Ababa is walking, and the congressional resolution is a signal that the rope is fraying.

What makes this moment particularly volatile is the religious dimension. The Ethiopian Orthodox Church is not a minority faith; it is woven into the country’s historical identity, claiming over a third of the population. Allegations that the state is persecuting the Church, backed by documented cases like the 30 November clergy murders and the December Arsi massacre, strike at the heart of Ethiopia’s self-conception as a Christian civilisation. For diaspora activists, this is a potent weapon. For the government, it’s an accusation that’s harder to dismiss as Western propaganda when priests are being killed on their way home from church.

Beneath the congressional rhetoric and diaspora advocacy lies a grimmer truth: Ethiopians are dying. Not metaphorically, not in the abstract language of policy briefs, but literally in Tigray, in Amhara, in Oromia, in Wollega, in Arsi. Famine is being weaponised. Villages are burnt. Churches are desecrated. Clergy are abducted and murdered. Over 30 killed in Arsi last month. Two priests murdered in Wollega in November. These are not statistics; they are names, families, congregations left without shepherds. The lived reality on the ground bears little resemblance to the sanitised language of resolutions and sanctions lists. Fr. Dhuguma Uffa and Fr. Desalegn Nemomsa were real men with congregations who depended on them. The 30 killed in Arsi had families, jobs, dreams. They died not on battlefields but in their communities, targeted for their faith.

This is the danger of spectacle: that Washington’s moral theatre becomes a substitute for meaningful action. A congressional resolution costs nothing. It signals concern without committing resources. Even Magnitsky sanctions, for all their symbolic weight, are only as effective as the political will behind them and Washington’s attention is fickle. Ethiopians watching this unfold know the script. They’ve seen external pressure before: statements of concern, calls for dialogue, aid suspended and then quietly resumed. The question is not whether Rep. Carter’s resolution will pass, it probably won’t, or it will pass and be forgotten, but whether it represents the beginning of sustained US engagement or merely another performance of outrage.

Ethiopia’s government will likely respond to this resolution the way it has responded to previous criticism: with defiance, deflection, and a doubling-down on its non-Western partnerships. Tehran, Moscow, and Beijing do not lecture about human rights. They offer weapons, investments, and diplomatic cover. For a leadership that sees itself under siege, that alternative is appealing. But the split screen remains. Ethiopia cannot escape its geography, its dependence on Western aid, or the fact that its diaspora, now mobilised, organised, and armed with documentation of atrocities like the Wollega clergy murders and Arsi massacre, will continue to shape the narrative abroad. The Magnitsky shadow is long. Once cast, it’s difficult to remove.

The tragedy is that Ethiopia’s people deserve better than this binary: better than a government that courts authoritarians abroad whilst brutalising them at home, and better than a US Congress that offers moral condemnation without sustained commitment. Fr. Dhuguma Uffa and Fr. Desalegn Nemomsa deserved to return home safely from their feast day. The 30 killed in Arsi deserved to practise their faith without fear. The split screen will persist until someone changes the channel, or until the screen itself shatters under the weight of all those bodies it can no longer ignore.

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By Thomas Araya Ethiopian Tribune columnist

Ethiopia, that ancient land of saints and sovereigns, is once again caught between the sacred and the profane. Faced with economic ruin, civil unrest, and mounting allegations of atrocity, the government has chosen to respond not with reflection or reform, but with railway maps and maritime metaphors. It is a regime that governs by distraction where sovereignty is a slogan and suffering a subplot.

The latest fantasy involves a railway to the Red Sea, a £1.3 billion sketchpad project linking Weldiya to ports in Eritrea and Djibouti. The Prime Minister, with the rhetorical flourish of a man who’s mistaken Parliament for a TED Talk, declared that Ethiopia “will not remain landlocked whether anyone likes it or not.” One half expected him to unveil a tunnel to Atlantis. Eritrea, understandably alarmed, has fortified its borders. Egypt, ever the regional referee, has offered Eritrea a diplomatic umbrella, lest Ethiopia mistake ambition for artillery. The Red Sea, once a corridor of trade and theology, is now a stage for nationalist theatre. The railway is not merely a logistical fantasy; it is a geopolitical provocation. It seeks to “correct the mistake of 1993,” when Eritrea gained independence and Ethiopia lost its coastline. But one might ask whether the mistake lies not in geography but in governance. After all, a nation that cannot keep its own hospitals open should perhaps refrain from annexing ports.

Meanwhile, civil society is being dismantled with the precision of a bureaucratic guillotine. Organisations are ordered to register their assets or face suspension. Over 1,500 licences have already been revoked. Amnesty International warns of a legal regime that allows the government to handpick CSO boards like a child choosing sweets. Election monitoring is now a subversive act; advocacy, a criminal enterprise. It is a curious democracy where the ballot box is guarded by bayonets and the press is muzzled with legalese. And as for the registration frenzy, one suspects it will soon become an open season for underpaid officials to tax their way to prosperity. In a system where salaries are threadbare and oversight is ornamental, the temptation to monetise paperwork is irresistible. What begins as asset declaration may well end in asset extraction, with civil society reduced to a toll booth for bureaucratic enrichment.

But the most chilling development is not economic or legislative, it is ecclesiastical. In the Arsi Zone of Oromia, Ethiopian Orthodox Christians have been killed in what church sources describe as religiously motivated attacks. According to the Church’s Public Relations Department, more than 25 followers were killed in October alone. A specific incident on 27 October in Hela Zibaba Kebele saw three civilians murdered and four abducted by unidentified gunmen. A follow-up report from early November added five more victims, including a husband, wife, and neighbour. The broader estimate, 144 Orthodox Christians killed since September, suggests something far more sinister than sporadic unrest. The perpetrators remain officially unnamed, though local sources allege involvement of armed groups operating in the region. In some cases, victims were reportedly removed from their homes and shot. The mayor of the area has been implicated in whispers, yet remains in office. The victims remain unnamed. The churches remain desecrated. The government, ever eloquent on matters of railways and sovereignty, has offered no comment. Not even a perfunctory denial. It is a peculiar kind of governance that builds railways to the sea while blood pools in the pews.

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, one of the world’s oldest Christian institutions, has long been a pillar of national identity. To attack its faithful is not merely a crime, it is a desecration. And yet, the regime’s response has been one of studied indifference. This silence becomes all the more damning when viewed against the international backdrop. In Nigeria, similar patterns of religious violence have prompted global rebuke. On 1 November 2025, President Donald Trump threatened military action against Nigeria, declaring: “If the Nigerian government continues to allow the killing of Christians, the USA will immediately stop all aid and assistance to Nigeria, and may very well go into that now disgraced country.” He labelled Nigeria a “country of particular concern” under the International Religious Freedom Act and warned of “radical Islamists” responsible for a “mass slaughter” of Christians.

The Nigerian government, for its part, rejected the claims of genocide but acknowledged the need for international cooperation. Church leaders welcomed Trump’s stance, while diplomats scrambled to contain the fallout. And Ethiopia? No rebuke. No designation. No viral video from the White House. The silence is strategic. Ethiopia, unlike Nigeria, is not yet on the radar of global Christian advocacy or American foreign policy. But the parallels are unmistakable. In both countries, religious minorities are being hunted. In both, local authorities are accused of complicity. In one, the world responds. In the other, the regime builds railways to the sea.

As if this were not enough, Tigrayan fighters have re-entered Afar, violating the 2022 peace deal and reigniting fears of renewed conflict. The government, true to form, has revived its favourite script: blame Shabiya, blame the diaspora, blame geography. Eritrea is cast as villain, the Red Sea as prize, and the Ethiopian people as props in a geopolitical pantomime. The Defence Ministry speaks of “preparing for war,” while the Prime Minister assures Parliament that Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions will not be thwarted. It is a dangerous game. The Red Sea is not a sandbox. It is a strategic corridor watched by Gulf states, China, Russia, and the United States. A war with Eritrea would not be a border skirmish, it would be a regional conflagration.

There is something tragically cyclical about Ethiopia’s current trajectory. A nation that once resisted colonialism now mimics its tactics. A government that once spoke of unity now governs by division. A country that once gave sanctuary to exiles now produces them in droves. The massacre of Orthodox Christians in Arsi is not merely a political scandal, it is a theological rupture. It recalls the darkest chapters of Ethiopian history, when emperors persecuted sects and warlords desecrated sanctuaries. The silence of the state is not neutrality, it is complicity.

And yet, the regime marches on, building railways to the sea, drafting proclamations against civil society, and declaring war on neighbours. It is a government that governs by distraction, deflection, and denial. Ethiopia deserves better than this tragic pageant. It deserves leaders who build bridges, not scapegoats; who mourn massacres, not manufacture maritime myths. Until then, the Red Sea remains a distraction and the nation, a hostage to its own narrative.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official position of Ethiopian Tribune or its editorial board.

About Post Author

Ethiopian Tribune editor

editor@ethiopiantribune.com

https://ethiopiantribune.com

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የጀርመንና አካባቢው ሀገረ ስብከት “ቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ ለአንገብጋቢ ጉዳዮች ቅድሚያ ሰጥቶ እንዲወያይ እንጠይቃለን” ሲል አሳሰበ

በኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተክርስቲያን የጀርመንና አካባቢው ሀገረ ስብከት ጽ/ቤት ከነገ ግንቦት 2 ቀን 2015 ዓ.ም ጀምሮ የሚካሄደውን ርክበ ካህናትና የጳጳሳት ሹመት አስመልክቶ ባወጣው መግለጫ ቅዱስ ሲኖዶሱ ለአንገብጋቢ ጉዳዮች ቅድሚያ ሰጥቶ እንዲወያይበት አሳስቧል፡፡ የመግለጫው ሙሉ ቃል እንደሚከተለው ቀርቧል፡-
ግንቦት ፪ ቀን ፳፻፲፭ ዓ.ም የሚጀመረው የዚህ ዓመት ርክበ ካህናት የቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ ምልዐተ ጉባኤ፤ አገራችን በብዙ ፖለቲካዊና ማኅበረሰባዊ ውስብስብ ችግሮች ስትሰቃይ በቆየችበትና አኹንም እየተሰቃየች ባለችበት ዓመት የሚከናወን በመኾኑ የኹላችንንም ትኩረት ስቧል። አገርን ኾና አገር ስታቀና የኖረች በመኾኗ፤ ቅድስት ኦርቶዶክሳዊት ቤተ ክርስቲያንም የእነዚሁ ውስብስብ ችግሮች ግንባር ቀደም ተጠቂ መኾኗ በግልጽ የሚታወቅ ነው። እንደአገራችን ኹሉ ከኅሊና በላይ በኾኑ ችግሮች ስትታመስ የቆየችዋ፤ አኹንም ያለችዋ ቤተ ክርስቲያናችን ቀኖናዋን ጠብቃ ሲኖዶሷን ልታደርግ በዝግጅት ላይ ባለችበት በዚህ ሰዓት፤ በተለይ በመላው ዓለም ያሉ ልጆቿን ክፉኛ ያስጨነቀ አንድ ጉዳይ መኖሩ እየታየና እየተሰማ ነው።

ይኸውም ቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ የቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱን ሕግና ሥርዐት በጣሰ፤የመላውን ኦርቶዶክሳውያን ካህናትና ምእመናንን ልብ በሰበረ፤ጦሱም የበርካቶችን ነፍስ በነጠቀ፣ ቤተሰብ በበተነ፣ በቤተ ክርስቲያኗ ታሪክ መጥፎ ጠባሳ ጥሎ ባለፈ መልኩ ጥር ፲፬ ቀን ፳፻፲፭ ዓ. ም. ተደረገ በተባለ ሢመት ኤጲስ ቆጶሳት ነን ብለው ብቅ ያሉ ሕገ ወጥ ግለሰቦችን በውጫዊ ጫና ተገድዶ እንዳይሾም የሚል ነው።

በተፈጸመው ሕገ ወጥ ድርጊት ከማንም በላይ በሐዘን የተመቱ፣ አዝነውም ከፊት በመቆም ልጆቻቸውን በማስተባበር ከፍተኛ ተጋድሎ ያደረጉ አባቶቻችን ይህንን ኹሉም የፈራውን ድርጊት በመፈጸም የቤተ ክርስቲያናቸውን ቁስል የበለጠ የሚያነቁሩ፤ ለራሳቸውም መጥፎ ታሪክ ጽፈው የሚያልፉ አይመስለንም። እኛ በጀርመንና አካባቢው የምንገኝ ማኅበረ ካህናትና ምእመናን አባቶቻችን ይህንን በቤተ ክርስቲያኗ ቀኖናዊና አስተዳደራዊ ቁመና ላይ ከፍተኛና የከፋ ምስቅልቅል የሚያስከትል ውሳኔ እንዳይወስኑ ተማጽኗችን ከፍተኛ ነው።

ስንማጸንም፤ በበርካታ ምክንያቶች ላይ ተመሥርተን ሲሆን በተለይም ከታች የተዘረዘሩት ዘጠኝ ውጫዊና ውስጣዊ ነባራዊና አንገብጋቢ ሁኔታዎች ባሉበት ኹኔታ የአባቶቻችን ስለ ሢመትና ሽልማት መነጋገርም ኾነ በተግባር መፈጸም ጊዜውን ያልዋጀ፤ አገርና ሕዝብ ለደረሰባቸውና ለተጋረጠባቸው አደጋ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ትኩረት እንዳልሰጠች የሚያስቆጥር ነው ብለን እናምናለን።

፩. በጥቂቶች የፖለቲካ ልዩነት ምክንያት በተነሣ የእርስ በርስ ጦርነት ከስምንት መቶ ሺ ያላነሱ ኢትዮጵያውያን (የሚልቁት ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱ በጥምቀት ወልዳ ያሳደገቻቸው ኦርቶዶክሳውያን ናቸው) ረግፈው፤ በአግባቡ ክቡር አፅማቸው እንኳን ተሰብስቦ ግብአተ መሬት ያልተፈጸመበት፣ ብዙዎቹ የሙታኑ ቤተሰቦች በወጉ እንኳን ያልተረዱበትና እርማቸውን ያላወጡበት፤ በአጭሩ የኢትዮጵያውያን ደም በምድሪቱ ፈስሶ የሚጮኽበት ጊዜ በመኾኑ፤

፪. ኦርቶዶክሳዊ ማንነት የበለጠ ጎልቶ በሚታይበት አካባቢ የነበረውና ከፍተኛ ሰብአዊና ኢኮኖሚያዊ ድቀት አድርሶ ያለፈው ጦርነት አኹን ቆመ ቢባልም፤ የቆመበት መንገድ አገር እንደምትፈልገው ቤተ ክርስቲያንን ጨምሮ ሌሎች አገራዊ ተቋማት ያልተሳተፉበት፣ በሕዝቦች መካከል ፍፁም ይቅርታን ባሰፈነ መልኩ ሳይኾን፤ «ውረዱ ተወራረዱ» ብለው ወንድማማቾችን ወደ ጦርነት በከተቱ ውጫዊ አካላት ግፊትና አስገዳጅነት የተፈጸመ፤ ዝርዝሩም ይኹን ጥልቀቱ ጦርነቱን መርተው ወንድማማቾችን ባጫረሱ የውስጥም ይኹን የውጭ ፖለቲከኞች ኅሊና ውስጥ ብቻ የተቀመጠ እንደመኾኑ፤ ተመልሶ እንደማይመጣም እርግጠኛ ያልኾንበት ወቅት በመኾኑ፤

፫. ቤተ ክርስቲያን ጦርነቱ በተካኼደባቸው አካባቢዎች በሚገኙ ማኅበረ ካህናቷና ምእመናኗ እንዲኹም ቅዱሳት መካናቷና ቅርሶቿ ላይ ያደረሰውን ጉዳት አጥንታ ያልተረዳችበት ወቅት በመኾኑ፤
፬. የጦርነት ዜና ዛሬም ቢኾን በኹሉም የአገራችን ክፍል የሚታይበትና የሚሰማበት፤ ዜጎች እንደልብ ወጥተው የማይገቡበት ወቅት በመኾኑ፤

፭. በዘራቸውና እምነታቸው የተነሣ በመቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ምእመናን የታረዱበት፤አኹንም እየታረዱ ያሉበት ወቅት በመኾኑ፤

፮. ዘራቸው ተመዝዞ፤ እምነታቸው ተመርምሮ ከተወለዱበት፣ ካደጉበትና ሀብትና ንብረት አፍርተው ከሚኖሩበት ቀዬአቸው በግፍ ተፈናቅለው በልዩ ልዩ ቦታ በሚገኙ መጠለያዎች ረሃብና ጥም፣ ቁርና ሐሩር እየተፈራረቀባቸው የሚገኙ በመቶ ሺዎች የሚቆጠሩ ኢትዮጵያውያን የሚገኙበት ጊዜ በመኾኑ፤

ወደ ውስጣዊው ስንመጣም፤

፯. የሰሜኑ ጦርነት በቤተ ክርስቲያኗ አስተዳደራዊ አንድነት ላይ ያመጣው ልዩነት ደብዳቤ ከመጻጻፍ ባለፈ አባቶች ቁጭ ብለው ተወያይተው ቢያንስ ፖለቲከኞቹ ያሳዩንን ያህል ሰላምና አንድነት አመጣን ያላሉበት ወቅት በመኾኑ፤

፰. የሃይማኖትና የፖለቲካ ዓላማን ባነገቡ ኃይሎች ድጋፍ ጥር ፲፬ ቀን ፳፻፲፭ ዓ.ም በደቡብ ምዕራብ ሸዋ ሀገረ ስብከት በሶዶ ዳጡ ወረዳ አሮ በዐለ ወልድ ቤተ ክርስቲያን በድብቅ ሕገ ወጥ የኤጴስ ቆጶሳት ሹመት የፈጸሙም ይኹን ተፈጸመልን ያሉ ግለሰቦች ወደቤተ ክርስቲያን ተመለስን ያሉበት መንገድ ግልጽነት የጎደለው፣ ኹሉንም ግራ ያጋባ በመኾኑ፤ ተመለስን ያሉት ግለሰቦችም ዛሬም ቢኾን ሲያደርጉና ሲናገሩ የሚታየውና የሚሰማው አኹንም ከእኩይ ዓላማቸው ወደኋላ እንዳላሉ የሚያስረዳ በመኾኑ፤

፱. በቤተ ክርስቲያኗ አጠቃላይ አስተዳደር የሚታየው ክፍተት ቤተ ክርስቲያናችን እስካሁን ለደረሱባትና አሁንም ለሚደርሱት ጉዳቶች የተጫወተው ጉልኅ ሚና ስላለ፤ ይህንን ክፍተት ለመሙላት (ለመድፈን) ከኹሉ አስቀድሞ ወደውስጥ ተመልክቶ፤ ኹሉን ፈትሾ፤ የሚስተካከለውን አስተካክሎ መኼድ ስለሚገባ፤

በመኾኑም በእነዚህና በሌሎች በርካታ ምክንያቶች የተነሣ፤ ቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ በዚህ ወሳኝ ወቅት ችግሮችን በሚፈቱ ርእሰ ጉዳዮ ላይ ትኩረት ሰጥቶ በመወያየት ውሳኔ ማሳለፍ፤ ዕቅድ ማውጣትና ለተግባራዊነቱም የሚያስፈልገውን በጀት ከመመደብ ጋር ለሚመለከተው ኹሉ ትእዛዝ ማስተላለፍ ይገባዋል እንላለን። ያ ሳይኾን ቀርቶ፤ አባቶቻችን በዬትኛውም ኃይል ሊደረግባቸው ለሚችል ተጽእኖ እጅ ሰጥተው ሕገ ወጦችንም ይኹን ሌሎችን ለመሾም ውይይት ቢያደርጉና በተግባርም ቢፈጽሙ ቤተ ክርስቲያን አሁን ባላት ችግር ላይ ሌላ ተጨማሪ ችግር እንደ መጨመርና በቁስሏ ላይ ጨው እንደ መነስነስ ኾኖ ይሰማናል። አባቶቻችን ይህንን ቢፈጽሙ በታሪክ ተጠያቂ ይኾናሉ። ቤተ ክርስቲያን በቀጣይ ማድረግ ባለባት ተቋማዊም ይኹን አገራዊ አዎንታዊ እንቅስቃሴዎች ላይም ተጽእኖ እንደሚያሳድርም እናምናለን።

ስለዚህ እኛ በጀርመንና አካባቢው ሀገረ ስብከት የምንገኝ ካህናትና ምእመናን፤ ብፁዐን አባቶቻችን በጉባኤያቸው የካህናትን፣ የምእመናንንና በአጠቃላይም የሕዝብን የልብ ትርታ በማድመጥና አገራችንንና ሕዝቧን ወደቀቢፀ ተስፋ እያስገቡ ላሉ ጉዳዮች ቅድሚያ በመስጠት በመፍትሔአቸው ላይ ተወያይተው ውሳኔዎችን በማሳለፍ አባታዊ ኃላፊነታቸውን ይወጡ ዘንድ ከተማጽኖ ጋር በክብሮት እንጠይቃለን።

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ቅዱስ ፓትርያርኩን ጨምሮ ብፁዓን አባቶች ከጠቅላይ ሚኒስትሩ ጋር ውይይት እያካሔዱ ይገኛሉ።

የኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ጠቅላይ ቤተ ክህነት ሕዝብ ግንኙነት አስቸኳይ ሰበር መግለጫ ሰጥቷል።

በመግለጫው ፤ የኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ቅዱስ ሲኖዶስ በየካቲት 2 ቀን 2015 ዓ.ም ባወጣው መግለጫ መሠረት ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱ መግለጫውን ባወጣች 72 ሰዓታት ውስጥ የቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱን ሃይማኖት ፤ ቀኖናና አስተዳደራዊ ሕግጋትን ባልጣሰ መልኩ ከመንግሥት ጋር በጉዳዩ ላይ ለመወያየት መንፈሳዊ በሯ ክፍት መሆኑን በመግለጽ ይፋዊ ጥሪ ማስተላለፏን አስታውሷል።

ከዚህ ጋር በተያያዘ የኢፌዳሪ ጠቅላይ ሚኒስትር ዶ/ር ዐቢይ አህመድ ይህንን የቤተ ክርስቲያን ጥሪ መሠረት በማድረግ ለውይይት ጥሪ ማቅረባቸውን ገልጿል።

ውይይቱ በመንበረ ፓትርያርክ ጠቅላይ ቤተ ክህነት ግቢ ሊሆን የሚገባ ነው በሚል በተነሳው ሐሳብ በጉዳዩ ላይ ከሽማግሌዎች ጋር ጥልቅ ውይይት በማድረግ የደህንነት ተሽከርካሪዎች እና የጸጥታ አካላት ብዛት ሲታይ ምእመናንን ስጋት ላይ እንዳይወድቁ እና ላልተጋባ ጉዳት እንዳይዳረጉ በማሰብ የሰላም ጥሪውን መንግሥት ከተቀበለ እና በቤተ መንግሥት መገኘቱ ለሕዝቡ የሚያመጣው መፍትሔ የሚኖር እንደሆነ በማሰብ ብፁዕ ወቅዱስ ፓትርያርኩን ጨምሮ አበው ሊቃነ ጳጳሳትን ያካተተ ልኡክ በቤተ መንግሥት የሚገኝ መሆኑን ጠቅላይ ቤተ ክህነት አሳውቋል።

ሕዝበ ክርስቲያኑም አባቶች የደረሱበትን ውጤት እስኪያሳውቁ ድረስ በትእግስት እንዲጠባበቁ መልእክት አስተላልፏል።

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/የኤዎስጣቴዎስ/ የአራርሳ ዝሙት

“…ይሄ ሰሞኑን በቅድስት ቤተክርስቲያናችን ላይ ደባ ከፈጸሙ 3 የቀድሞ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ከአሁኑ አቶዎች መካከል አንዱ በሆነው በ“አቡነ” ኤዎስጣቴዎስ አሁን አቶ አራርሳ ጉዳይ አንድ ዝሙት ነክ ደብዳቤ ሲዘዋወር ተመለከትኩኝ። ደብዳቤው የዛሬ 10 ዓመት ገደማ (April 9, 2013) በጊዜው የ”Orthodox Church of America (OCA)” ቻንስለር የነበሩት Very Rev. John A. Jillions ሥምና ፊርማ ያለበት ስለሆነ ነበር ንስሬን እንዲያጣራልኝ አሜሪካ የላኩት።

“…ንስሬምም የደብዳቤዉን እውነተኛነት ለማጣራት ወደ አሜሪካም በረረ። ለ Very Rev. John A. Jillions በኢሜይል አድራሻቸው jjillions@svots.edu ላይ ኢሜይል አደረገላቸው። ጎን ለጎን ደግሞ ለአሁኑ Orthodox Church of America (OCA) Chancellor Very Rev. Alexander Rentel ስልክ ደወለላቸው፤ ስልካቸው ግን አልነሣም አለው። ኢሜይል አደረገላቸው። ለጸሓፊውም ደወለ ርግቤ። በመጨረሻም ጸሓፊው Rev. Alessandro Margheritino ስልክ አነሡለት። ወደ 7 ደቂቃ ገደማ አወራን አለኝ ንስሬ። ስለደብዳቤው እርግጠኝነት ጠየቃቸው ንስሬ። ጸሐፊውም ጉዳዩን እንደሚያጣሩና መልስ እንደሚሰጡኝ ነግረውኝ ተሰነባበትን አለኝ ንስሬ። በዚህ መካከል ነበር ቻንስለሩ Rev. Alexander Rentel መልስ ለንስሬ መልስ ይጻፉለት።

“…ቻንስለሩ Rev. Alexander Rentel በአንድ መስመር እንዲህ ሲሉ የደብዳቤውን ትክክለኝነት አረጋግጠውልኛል፦ “Yes, as Chancellor of the Orthodox Church in America, I can confirm that this letter is authentic and came from my predecessor, Archpriest John Jillions” ትርጉም “አዎ፦ ደብዳቤው ትክክለኛና ከእኔ በፊት የነበሩት ቻንስለር Archpriest John Jillions እንደጻፉት አረጋግጣለሁ።” እውነቱ ይህ ነው!

“…ከዚህ የወሲብ ቅሌት በኋላ ነው አሜሪካ የባለወልድ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ከፍቶ አልሳካ ሲለው የኦሮሞ መንግሥት እስኪመጣ ጠብቆ ቤተ ክርስቲያኒቱን ለመበቀል ቀን ጠብቆ የተነሣው። የሆሉም ጊዜውን ጠብቆ ይፈነዳል። እግዚአብሔር ጽዳቱን ከቤቱ ጀምሯል። ይኸው ነው።

“…ስለዚህ ብሮ አራርሳ ከእኔ የባሰ ሸርሙጣ ነው። አለቀ።

Source: Zemedkun

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ብፁዕ ወቅዱስ አቡነ ማትያስ ቀዳማዊ ፓትርያርክ ርእሰ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ዘኢትዮጵያ ሊቀ ጳጳስ ዘአክሱም ወዕጨጌ ዘመንበረ ተክለ ሃይማኖት በዓለ ልደትን አስመልክተው ” የእንኳን አደረሳችሁ ” መልእክት አስተላልፈዋል።

በመልዕክታቸው የሀገራችንን ወቅታዊ ሁኔታ በተመለከተ አንስተው አባታዊ መልዕክታቸውን አስተላልፈዋል።

ቅዱስናታቸው ባስተላለፉት መልዕክት ፥ ” ቸርነቱ የማያልቅበት እግዚአብሔር አምላክ በአሁኑ ጊዜ በሀገራችን የተከሠተው ችግር በከፊልም ቢሆን ረገብ ብሎ የሰላም ጭላንጭል እንድናይ አድርጎናል ” ያሉ ሲሆን ” ይህ ሰላም የእግዚአብሔር ስጦታ ነውና #ልንወደው #ልናከብረውና #ልንጠብቀው ይገባል ” ብለዋል።

” ሰላም በጠፋ ጊዜ በወገኖቻችን ምን ያህል ጉዳት እንደደረሰ በዓይናችን አይተናል። ” ያሉት ቅዱስነታቸው ” ይህ ዓይነቱ ክሥተት ሊቆም እንጂ ሊቀጥል አይገባም ” ሲሉ አስገንዝበዋል።

የተገኘው የሰላም ጭላንጭል ወደ ፍጹም አስተማማኝ ደረጃ በሙሉነት እንዲያድግ ሁሉም በኃላፊነት እንዲሰራ በአጽንዖት አደራ ብለዋል።

በተከሠተው አለመግባባት በአጠቃላይ በሕዝብ ላይ የደረሰው ስብራት ከባድ በመሆኑ የዓለም ማኅበረሰብ የተቻለውን ድጋፍ ሁሉ በማድረግ ሕዝባችንን እንዲያግዝ  መንግሥትና ሁሉም የፖለቲካ ኃይሎች የተጀመረውን የሰላም ጉዞ እንዳይቀለበስ በከፍተኛ ኃላፊነት እንዲሠሩ ጥሪ አቅርበዋል።

ቅዱስነታቸው ፤ ” ኢትዮጵያውያን የሆናችሁ ልጆቻችን በተለመደው የመተጋገዝ ቅዱስ ባህላችን መሠረት እርስ በርስ #በመረዳዳት ይህንን ፈተና እንድናልፈው በእግዚአብሔር ስም አባታዊ መልእክታችንን ከአደራ ጋር እናስተላልፋለን። ” ብለዋል።

“በመንፈሳዊውም ሆነ በዓለማዊው አመራር የምንገኝ ኃላፊዎች ከሁሉም በላይ የእግዚአብሔርን ፈቃድ ማክበር ይጠበቅብናል፤ የሰውን ሕይወት ለመጠበቅ የሰው ሕይወት መጥፋት አለበት የሚል የተሳሳተ አካሄድ በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ተቀባይነት የለውም”
ብፁዕ ወቅዱስ አቡነ ማትያስ

ብፁዕ ወቅዱስ አቡነ ማትያስ ቀዳማዊ ፓትርያርክ ርእሰ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ዘኢትዮጵያ ሊቀ ጳጳስ ዘአክሱም ወዕጨጌ ዘመንበረ ተክለ ሃይማኖት ይህን የተናገሩት የ2015 ዓ.ም በዓለ ልደትን አስመልክተው የእንኳን አደረሳችሁ መልእክታቸውን አስተላልፈዋል።

በስመ አብ ወወልድ ወመንፈስ ቅዱስ አሐዱ አምላክ አሜን

° በሀገራችን በኢትዮጵያ በገጠርና በከተማ የምትኖሩ፣
° ከሀገር ውጭ በተለያዩ አህጉር የምትገኙ ፣
° የሀገራችንን ዳር ድንበር ለመጠበቅና ለማስከበር በየጠረፋ የቆማችሁ፣
° በሕመም ምክንያት በየጸበሉና በየሆስፒታሉ ያላችሁ፣
° እንዲሁም የሕግ ታራሚዎች ሆናችሁ በየማረሚያ ቤት የምትገኙ ° ኢትዮጵያውያንና ኢትዮጵያዊያት በሙሉ፣

በዕለተ ልደቱ ሰማያውያንንና ምድራውያንን በአንድነት አገናኝቶ ስለ ሰላም እንዲዘምሩ ያደረገ የሰላም አለቃ ጌታችን አምላካችንና መድኃኒታችን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ እንኳን ለሁለት ሺሕ ዐሥራ አምስት ዓመተ ልደቱ በሰላም አደረሰን አደረሳችሁ፡፡

“ወይከውን ሰላም በመዋዕሊሁ፤ በዘመኑም ሰላም ይሆናል” (ዘካ.፱፥፲)

በአበሳው ምክንያት ከፈጣሪው ተለይቶ በሰቆቃ ይኖር የነበረው የሰው ልጅ መንፈሳዊ ሰላሙ ከተናጋ ብዙ ዘመናትን አስቆጥሮአል፤ የሰላሙ መናጋት የጀመረውም ከእግዚአብሔር ከተለየበት ቀን አንሥቶ ነው፣ መቼም ቢሆን መለያየት ጉዳትን እንጂ ጥቅምን አያስገኝምና ሰው ከእግዚአብሔርና የእግዚአብሔር ከሆነው ሁሉ በመለየቱ ጉዳቱ የበረታ ሆነ፤ ኑሮውም ደፈረሰበት፤ ጣዕመ ሕይወቱም ወደ እሬት ተለወጠበት፤ በዚህም ምክንያት ሰው በጨለማና በሞት ጥላ የተዋጠ ምስኪን ፍጡር ሆኖ ኑሮውን ቀጠለ፤

ይሁን እንጂ ፍቅርና ርኅራኄ ቸርነትና አዘኔታ ምሕረትና ይቅርታ ገንዘቡ የሆነ አምላካችን እግዚአብሔር፣ ሰውን በምሕረትና በይቅርታ ሊቀበለው ወደደ፤ ይህንም በልዩ ልዩ ዓይነተ ነገር ገለፀ፤ እግዚአብሔር የሰው ልጅን መንፈሳዊ ሰላም በእርግጠኝነት እንደሚመልስ ከገለፀባቸው ቃላተ ትንቢት አንዱ “በዘመኑ ሰላም ይሆናል” የሚል ቃለ ሰላም ይገኝበታል፤ የዚህ ቃለ ሰላም መሠረተ ሐሳብ ሲታይ እግዚአብሔር ለሰው ልጅ የሚሰጠው ዘላቂና ፍጹም ሰላም በመሢሑ በኩል በሚሆነው ቤዛነት እንደሆነ ነው። ከዚህ አኳያ እግዚአብሔር የመሢሑን መምጣት ከመጀመሪያው ሰው ከአዳም ጀምሮ ሲገልፅ ቆይቶአል። ዘመኑ ሲደርስም መሢሑ በዚህ ዓለም ተገልፆአል፤ መሢሑ በዚህ ዓለም የተገለፀው በብሥራተ ገብርኤልና በግብረ መንፈስ ቅዱስ አማካኝነት ከቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም ፍጹም ሰውነትን ተዋሕዶ ነው።

ወልደ እግዚአብሔር በተዋሐደው ሰውነት በቤተ ልሔም ሲወለድ ሠራዊተ መላእክት “ወሰላም በምድር ሥምረቱ ለሰብእ፤ ለሰው ልጅ ውድ ነገር የሆነው ሰላም በምድር ላይ ሆነ” በማለት ዘምረዋል። መላእክት በዚህ መዝሙራቸው “የተወለደው ሕፃን ከብዙ ዘመናት በፊት ለሰላሙ ፍጻሜ የለውም ፤በዘመኑም ሰላም ይሆናል” ተብሎ የተነገረለት የሰላም አለቃ መሆኑን ለዓለም አበሰሩ፤ እረኞችም በተወለደበት ቦታ ተገኝተው የሰላሙን መዝሙር ተካፋይ ሆኑ፤

የጥበብ ሰዎች የሆኑ የምሥራቅ ነገሥታትም አምላክነቱን ለመግለፅ ዕጣንን፣ንጉሥነቱን ለመግለፅ ወርቅን፣አዳኝነቱን ለመግለፅ ከርቤን እጅ መንሻ አድርገው ገበሩለት፤ ለአምላክነቱም ከምድር ወድቀው ሰገዱለት።

የተወደዳችሁ የመንፈስ ቅዱስ ልጆቻችን ምእመናንና ምእመናት!!

እግዚአብሔር ከሰው ጋር ሰላም መፍጠሩን የገለፀው በትንቢት ወይም በምሳሌ ወይም በቃል ብቻ አልነበረም፤ እጅግ በሚያስደንቅ የተዋሕዶ ተግባርም እንጂ፤ በአበሳ ኃጢአት መነሻነት በጠላትነት ተፈርጆ የነበረውን የሰው ልጅ መውደዱ ብቻ ሳይሆን፣ ጭራሽ ሰውነቱን ሰውነት አድርጎ ወይም አካሉን አካል አድርጎ መገለጡ፣ የሰላሙ ጥልቀትና ምጥቀት ምን ያህል ታላቅ እንደሆነ የሚያስገነዝብ ነው፤ የሰማይ ሠራዊትም “የሰው ልጅን እጅግ ወደደው” በማለት በከፍተኛ አድናቆት የዘመሩለት የሰውን ሰውነት ተዋሕዶና የራሱን አካል አድርጎ በመንበረ ጸባኦት እንዲቀመጥ አድርጎት በማየታቸው ነው፤

ይህ የዕርቀ ሰላም ውጤት ነው፤ ዕርቀ ሰላም የማይፈታው ችግር እንደሌለ ይህ አምላካዊ ዕርቅ ግዙፍ ማስረጃ ነው፤ እግዚአብሔር ሰውን የታረቀው በምሕረትና በይቅርታ ብቻ አይደለም፤ ወይም ላቅ ያለ ቁሳዊ ስጦታ በመስጠትም አይደለም፤እግዚአብሔር ሰውን የታረቀው “ሰው በመሆን” ነው፤ በዚህ ምሥጢረ ተዋሕዶ እግዚአብሔር ሰው ሲሆን ሰውም እግዚአብሔርን የመሆን ዕድል በማግኘቱ በውጤቱ ሰው በተዋሕዶተ ቃል በመንበረ ጸባኦት ተቀምጦ ሰማያውያን መላእክትን ጨምሮ የፍጥረታት ሁሉ ገዥ ሊሆን ችሎአል።
ቅዱስ መጽሐፍ ይህንን ሲገልፅ “ክብረ ወስብሐተ ከለልኮ፤ ወሤምኮ ውስተ ኲሉ ግብረ እደዊከ፤ ወኲሎ አግረርከ ሎቱ ታሕተ እገሪሁ፤ የክብርና የምስጋና ዘውድን ጫንህለት፤ በእጆችህም ስራ ላይ ሾምኸው፤ሁሉንም ከእግሮቹ በታች አስገዛህለት፤ እርሱ መላእክትና ሥልጣናት ኃይላትም ከተገዙለት በኋላ ወደ ሰማይ ሄዶ በእግዚአብሔር ቀኝ ተቀመጠ” ይላል ፤

በመሆኑም የተወለደው ሕፃን በዘመኑ ዘላቂና ፍጹም የሆነ መንፈሳዊ ሰላምን ያስገኘ ብቻ ሳይሆን በተዋሕዶተ ቃል በመንበረ ጸባኦት ተቀምጦ የመላእክትና የፍጥረት ሁሉ ገዥ ስለሆነ ከምንም ሁሉ በላይ መሆኑን እናስተውላለን፡፡

የተወደዳችሁ የመንፈስ ቅዱስ ልጆቻችን ምእመናንና ምእመናት!

እግዚአብሔር እጅግ የሚወደን መሆኑን የምናውቀው እኛን መስሎ ሳይሆን እኛን ሆኖ በመካከላችን በመገኘቱ ነው፤ ታዲያ እግዚአብሔር እኛን ይህን ያህል ከቀረበንና ከወደደን እኛም በዚሁ መጠን ልንዋደድ አይገባንምን? እንድናደርገውና እንድንፈጽመው የሰጠን አደራስ ለሰው ሁሉ እንዲህ ያለ ፍቅር እንዲኖረን አልነበረምን? ሰዎች በየትም እንኑር በየት እርስ በርስ በመፈቃቀርና በመዋደድ በሰላም የመኖር አምላካዊ ግዴታ እንዳለብንስ ዘነጋነውን? በሰላምና በፍቅር የመኖር ጉዳይ ለሰዎች እንደመብት ሳይሆን እንደ ግዴታ ነው፤ ምክንያቱም የነገርየው ውስጠ ይዘት የመኖርና ያለመኖር አንድምታ አለውና ነው፤

እግዚአብሔር በሕይወት እንድንኖር እኛን ፈጥሮአል፤ ይህ የእግዚአብሔር ቀዋሚ ፈቃዱ ነው ፤በመሆኑም የእግዚአብሔርን ፈቃድ ማክበር ለሰው ልጆች ሁሉ የውዴታ ሳይሆን የግዴታ ኃላፊነት አለብን፤ ይልቁኑም በመንፈሳዊውም ሆነ በዓለማዊው አመራር የምንገኝ ኃላፊዎች ከሁሉም በላይ የእግዚአብሔርን ፈቃድ ማክበር ይጠበቅብናል፤ የሰውን ሕይወት ለመጠበቅ የሰው ሕይወት መጥፋት አለበት የሚል የተሳሳተ አካሄድ በእግዚአብሔር ፊት ተቀባይነት የለውም፤

ምክንያቱም በአንድ በኩል እያጠፉ በሌላ በኩል እጠብቃለሁ የሚል አካሄድ ከኪሣራና ከጥፋት ነጻ አያደርግምና ነው፤ በዚህ ስሑት አስተሳሰብ ዓለም በሽቅድምድም እያመረተችው ያለው የፍጥረተ እግዚአብሔር ማጥፊያ መሣሪያ ከአጥፊነት በቀር የአልሚነት ሚና አለው ብሎ መናገር ፈጽሞ አይቻልም፤

በዚህ አጥፊ መሣሪያ የእግዚአብሔር ፈቃድ ተጥሶ ሕፃናትና እናቶች፣ ዓቅመ ደካሞችና አረጋውያን በሕይወት የመኖር ዕድል አጥተዋል። ይሁንና ቸርነቱ የማያልቅበት እግዚአብሔር አምላክ በአሁኑ ጊዜ በሀገራችን የተከሠተው ችግር በከፊልም ቢሆን ረገብ ብሎ የሰላም ጭላንጭል እንድናይ አድርጎናል፤ ይህ ሰላም የእግዚአብሔር ስጦታ ነውና ልንወደው ልናከብረውና ልንጠብቀው ይገባል።

ሰላም በጠፋ ጊዜ በወገኖቻችን ምን ያህል ጉዳት እንደደረሰ በዓይናችን አይተናል። ይህ ዓይነቱ ክሥተት ሊቆም እንጂ ሊቀጥል አይገባም። ስለዚህ የተገኘው የሰላም ጭላንጭል ወደ ፍጹም አስተማማኝ ደረጃ በሙሉነት እንዲያድግ ሁላችንም በኃላፊነት እንድንሠራ በዚህ አጋጣሚ በአጽንዖት አደራ እንላለን።

በመጨረሻም
በተከሠተው አለመግባባት በአጠቃላይ በሕዝባችን ላይ የደረሰው ስብራት ከባድ በመሆኑ የዓለም ማኅበረ ሰብ የተቻለውን ድጋፍ ሁሉ በማድረግ ሕዝባችንን እንዲያግዝ፣ መንግሥታችንና ሁሉም የፖለቲካ ኃይሎችም የተጀመረውን የሰላም ጉዞ እንዳይቀለበስ በከፍተኛ ኃላፊነት እንዲሠሩ፣ ኢትዮጵያውያን የሆናችሁ ልጆቻችንም በተለመደው የመተጋገዝ ቅዱስ ባህላችን መሠረት እርስ በርስ በመረዳዳት ይህንን ፈተና እንድናልፈው በእግዚአብሔር ስም አባታዊ መልእክታችንን ከአደራ ጋር እናስተላልፋለን።

መልካም በዓለ ልደት ያድርግልን!
እግዚአብሔር ኢትዮጵያንና ሕዝቦቿን ይባርክ!
ወስብሐት ለእግዚአብሔር አሜን!

አባ ማትያስ ቀዳማዊ
ፓትርያርክ ርእሰ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ዘኢትዮጵያ ሊቀ ጳጳስ
ዘአክሱም ወዕጨጌ ዘመንበረ ተክለ ሃይማኖት
ታኅሣሥ ፳፱ ቀን ፳፻፲፭ ዓ.ም.
አዲስ አበባ – ኢትዮጵያ

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ባለፉት ቀናት ፓስተር ዮናታን የኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተክርስቲያን ሥርዓተ እምነት (ዶግማ)፣ ቀኖና፣ ትውፊትና ታሪክን በሚያንቋሽሽ መልኩ የሰነዘራቸው እኩይ አስተምሕሮዎች መነጋገሪያ መሆናቸውን እየተመለከትን ነው። ለእነዚህ እኩይና ነገር ጫሪ ምልከታዎቹን በኹለት መንገድ መመልከትና መመከት ይቻላል። አንድም ከእምነት አንፃር አንድም ከምድራዊ ሕግጋት አንፃር። በምድራዊው ሕግጋት የአንድ ኃይማኖት (እምነት) መጋቢ ወይም መምህር በማያምንበትና በማይከተው እምነት ሥነ መለኮታዊና ቀኖናዊ አስተምሮዎች በመነሳት ማንቋሸሽ፣ ማዋረድ፣ መዝለፍና መንቀፍ አይችልም። ካንቋሸሼ፣ ከዘለፈና ጠብ አጫሪ ከሆነ አንድም በሕገ መንግሥቱ አንድም በኃይማኖት ተቋማት የጋራ ምክር ቤት አስፈላጊውና ሕጋዊው ርምጃ ይወደሰድበታል። ከእምነት አንፃር ደግሞ ተንቋሻሹና ተዘላፊው የእምነት ተቋም ለተሰነዘሩበት ትችቶችና ስድቦች ከእምነቱ ዶግማዊና ቀኖናዊ አስተምሕሮዎች ግብረ መልስ መስጠትና እንደ ሕጋዊ የእምነት ተቋም ለሚመለከተው የመንግሥት ተቋም አቤት ማለት ይችላል።

የፓስተር ዮናታን ፀረ ተዋሕዶ ዘመቻ ሥነ መለኮትን፣ ነገረ ማርያምንና ትውፊትን መሠረት ያደረገ ሳይሆን ፖለቲካዊ ማናለብኝነትን መርሕ ያደረገ ፖለቲካዊ ትንኮሳ ነው። ምናልባት የሌሎች እምነት መጋቢያን ከእስልምናም ሆነ ከካቶሊክ፣ ከወንጌላውያንም ሆነ ከይሖዋ ምስክሮች ይህን ያህል የጥላቻ ጠብ አጫሪነት በአደባባይ የማይሰነዘረው ፖለቲካዊ ከለላ ስለሌላቸው ብቻ ሳይሆን የዘመናት አብሮ ኖሪነትንና ደም አፋሳሽ ጠብ አጫሪነትን በእምነት ሽፋን በሀገርና በሕዝብ መካከል ላለማውረድ ነው። ፓስተር ዮናታን ከነገረ ኃይማኖት እውቀቱ ይልቅ ለጊዜው ያለው ፖለቲካዊ ከለላ ስለሚበልጥበት እንጂ ይህን ያህል በድፍረት አይወራጭም ነበር። ዛሬ ዛሬ ነው። ነገ ደግሞ ስለራሱ ያውቃልና ዛሬ የሚሰነዘሩ ምናለብኝነቶች የነገና የከነገ ወዲያ ፖለቲካዊ ከለላዎችን ፓስተሩና የፓስተሩ አንጋቾች የተረዱት አይመስልም።

ፖለቲካዊ ከለላ ለማለት የሚያስችለው የሌሎች እምነቶችን አስተምሕሮዎች አይደለም በአደባባይ በመዝለፍ የራሳቸውን እምነት አስተምሕሮዎች ለማራመድ በሞከሩ የኦርቶዶስ ተዋሕዶ ሰባኪያነ ወንጌል፣ የእስልምና ኡስታዞችና የወንጌላውያን አብያተ ክርስቲያናት መጋቢያን ወሕኒ ሲወርዱና አካላዊ ጥቃት ሲፈፀምባቸው ስለተመለከትን ነው። በዘመነ ኢሕአዴግ መጅሊሳችን ይከበር ያሉ የድምፃችን ይሰማ አባላትና ደጋፊዎች በእስር፣ በዘመነ ደርግ ቤተክርስቲያናችን ትከበር ያሉ ኦርቶዶክሳዊ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት በእስርና በግፍ ሲገደሉ፣ ዛሬም የሌሎችም እምነቶች መምህራን ተመሳሳይ ድርጊት ሲፈፀምባቸው በታሪክ መነፅር ስለተመለከትን ነው። የሁሉም ዕምነት አባቲችና መምህራን የእስርና ለሞት የበቁት ለኃይማኖታቸው ቀናኢ ስለሆኑ ብቻ ሳይሆን በሰሙነኛው መንግሥት ስላልተወደዱ ነው።

ፓስተር ዮናታን በየአዳራሹ ለሚያካሂዳቸው ጉባኤያት በመንግሥት ከፍተኛ አመራሮችና ተቋማት የመዋዕለ ነዋይና ሌሎች ተዛማች ድጋፎችና ማበረታቻዎች ስለሚደረግለት ራሱን የመንግሥት ንስሐ አባት አድርጎ መቁጠሩ ትክክል ሊመስለው ይችላል። ግን ይሄ አይዞህ ባይነት ሰሙናዊ እንጂ ዘመን ተሻጋሪ ሆኖ አይቆይም። የአንድ እምነት መምህር የራሱን እምነት ከማስከበር በዘለለ የሌሎችንም እምነቶች አስተምሕሮዎች ባያምንባቸውም ባይተገብራቸውም ሊያከብራቸው ግን ግድ ይላል። በዘለፋና በስድብ፣ በሰይፍና በጦር ሰውን ወደ እምነቱ መሳብ ጊዜ ያለፈበት መንገድ ነው። የእምነት ሰው የትናንቱንም የዛሬውንም የነገውንም በተለይም ከሞትና ከተፍፃሜተ ዓለም በኋላ ስለሚኖረውና የሰው ልጆች በዕምነት ተስፋ ስለሚያደርጉት የእግዚአብሔር መንግሥት በማሰብ፣ መለኮታዊውን ብቻ ሳይሆን ዓለምና የሰው ልጆች በሰላምና በመከባበር ለመኖር በጋራ የሚተዳደሩባቸውን ምድራዊ ሕግጋት ሊረዳና ሊያስረዳ ይገባዋል። አንድ የተዋሕዶ ኦርቶዶክሳዊት ቤተክርስቲያን ምዕመን የቤተክርስቲያኗን መሠረታዊ ዶግማና ቀኖናዊ አስተምሕሮዎችን ተምሮ፣ አምኖና ተረድቶ መኖር ግዴታው ነው። ለእምነቱ አጋዥ ግንዛቤ ለማግኘትም አዋልድና ሌሎች ድጋፍ ሰጪ መጻሕፍትን በማንበብ፣ ከመምህራን እግር ስር በመማርና በመጠየቅ ግንዛቤን ማሳደግ፣ በእምነትና በምግባር መጠንከር ጥያቄ የሌለው የምዕመኑ ተግባር ነው። ከዚያ በተረፈ የሌሎችንም እምነቶች አስተምሕሮዎች ለማነፃፀሪያና ለጠቅላላ ግንዛቤ ማንበቡና መረዳቱ ሙሉ ሰው ያደርጋል እንጂ ወንጀል አይሆንም። ወንጀል የሚሆነው የማያምኑበትን ሌሎች ግን የሚከተሉትን እምነት መዝለፍና ለጠብ ማነሳሳት ነው። በግሌ የሌሎች ዕምነቶችን አስተምሕሮች አቅሜ በፈቀደው ለመረዳት መሞከሬ ሰፋ ያለ ግንዛቤን እንጂ ጠላትነትን አልጫረብኝም። ከ 15 ዓመታት በፊት ትውልደ ጋናዊው የፕሮቴስታንት መጋቢ ሜንሣ ኦታቢል
(Mensa Otabil) በእንግሊዝኛ ቋንቋ ያሰራጨውን Buy the future የተሰኙትን ባለ ኹለት ክፍል የስብከት ሲዲዎቹን አዳምጫለሁ ብዙም ተምሬበታለሁ። ፓስተር ሜንሣ በስብከቱ በተለይም የይስሐቅ መንታ ልጆች የሆኑት ዔሣውና ያዕቆብን መንገድ በስፋት ይተነትናል። ዔሣው የያዕቆብ መንትያ ወንድም ቢሆንም ከእናቱ ማኅፀን ቀድሞ በመውጣቱ ብኩርናን የራሱ አድርጓል። ብኩርና የራሱ የሆኑ ኃይማኖታዊና ዓለማዊ ጠቀሜታዎች ( privileges) አሉት። ዔሣው ጊዜያዊ ብኩርናው የሚሰጠውን ወቅታዊ ጥቅማጥቅም እንጂ ብኩርናውን በማጣቱ ወደፊት የሚያጣቸውንና የሚቀሩበትን ኃይማኖታዊና ዓለማዊ ጥቅማጥቅሞች አርቆ አልተመለከታቸውም ይላል ፓስተር ሜንሣ በስብከቱ። የወደፊቱን መፃዒ ክስተቶችን ከግንዛቤ ያስገባው ታናሹ ያዕቆብ ግን ጊዜያዊ ረሀብና ጊዜያዊ የበታችነትን ወደፊት በሚያገኛቸው በረከቶች ለውጦ ብኩርናን ከታላቅ ወንድሙ በጊዜያዊ የምስር ወጥ ገዛ ይላል። ዔሣው ብኩርናውን ብቻ ሳይሆን ወፈፊት የሰው ልጆች በስሙ ዔሣው ተብለው እንኳን እንዳይጠሩ ስሙን አሳደፈ። ሜንሣ በመቀጠልም ያዕቆብ የምስር ወጥ ለወንድሙ ሽጦ ዮሴፍና ብንያምን ጨምሮ አሥራ ኹለት ልጆችን ወልዶ ለወደፊት የስሙ መጠሪያን የገድሉ መዘከሪያን ሸመተ። በኋለኛው ዘመንም ጌታ ከያዕቆብ ልጆች ተወልዶ ዓለምን ነፃ አወጣ። የያዕቆብ ስምም ከትውልድ ወደ ትውልድ እየተሻገረ ሲታዎስ ይኖራል ይላል። ከእስልምና አስተምሕሮዎች ቁርዐንና ሐዲሳትን በማንበብም ሰፋ ያለ ግንዛቤንና ዕውቀትን እንጂ ጠበኝነትን አልገበየሁም። እንደውም በቤተክርስቲያኔና በመስገድ ጫማ ማውለቅን፣ ጾምን አውጆ መጾምን፣ ዕለትን በሰዓታት ከፍሎ መጸለይና መስገድን፣ ምፅዋትንና ዘካትን፣ ፀበልና ዘምዘምን የሴቶች የራስ መከናነብንና ሂጃብን፣ መፃዒው ዓለምንና ውመል ቂያማን ተገንዝቤባቸዋለሁ።
የፓስተር ሜንሣ ስብከቶችን ከፓስተር ዮናታን ዘለፋዎች ጋር እያነፃፃረ ለሚከታተል ሰው ሜንሣ በተለያዩ ስብቶቹ ስለ መጪው ዓለምና የእግዚአብሔር መንግሥት ዮናታን ሰሙነኛ ፖለቲካን አጋዥ በማድረግ የወደፊት ጥልን ሲጠነስስ መረዳት ይቻላል። ለዚህ ነው በአንድ እምነት ውስጥ የሚገኙ ምዕመናንንና መጋቢዎቻቸውን በጅምላ መውቀጥ ተገቢ አለመሆኑንና ጠብ አጫሪና የሰሙነኛ መንግሥት ብረት ለባሽ የሆኑትን ለመለየትና የሜንሣና ዮናታንን አስተምሕሮዎች በማገናዘብ በምሳሌነት ማቅረቡ አስፈላጊ የሚሆነው።

በአንድ እምነት ዶግማዊና ቀኖናዊ ተአስተምሕሮዎች ለሚነሱ ጥያቄዎች ሕጋዊና ተገቢ ግብረ መልስ የሚሰጡ ተቋማት አሉ። በኦርቶዶክሳዊት ተዋሕዶ ቤተክርስቲያን ዙሪያ ለሚነሱ ቅዱስ ሲኖዶስና በስሩ ያለው የሊቃውንት ጉባኤ፣ በእስልምና ለሚነሱ መጅሊስና የዑለማዎች ምክር ቤት፣ በካቶሊክና በወንጌላውያን አብያተ ክርስቲያናት ዙሪያ ለሚሰነዘሩም ግብረ መላሽ ተቋማዊ አካላት አሏቸው። እነዚህ አካላት ሕጋዊ በመሆናቸው ተአማኒነታቸውና ውክልነታቸው ተቋማዊ በመሆኑ እንጂ ተራው ምዕመንም እንደ ግንዛቤውና የእውቀት መጠኑ ግብረ መልስ ለመስጠት ያንሳል ማለት አይደለም መልሱ ግን ተቋማዊ ውክልና ከሌለው ሌላ አተካሮ እንዳይፈጥር በሚል ነው እንጂ።
ፓስተር ዮናታን በተለይ በኦርቶዶክሳዊት ተዋሕዶ አዋልድ መጻሕፍት ላይ የተጠቀሱ አንቀጾችን በመንቀስ የሰነዘራቸውን ጠብ አጫሪ ዘለፋዎች እንደማኝኛውን የማኅበራዊ ድረ ገጽ ተከታታይ ተመልክቻቸዋለሁ። ምንም ተቋማዊ ውክልና ባይኖረኝም ፓስተሩ በሰነዘራቸው ዘለፋዎች ዙሪያ እንደ አንድ ምዕመን በመረጠው ቋንቋ በአማርኛም ሆነ በእንግሊዝኛ፣ በመረጠው የመገናኛ ብዙኃን እንደ ተዋሕዶ ኦርቶዶክስ ምዕመን በገባኝና በተረዳሁት ያህል ልወያየው ፈቃደኛ ነኝ። ልከራከረው ያላልኩት በኃይማኖት ውይይት እንጂ ክርክር ስለማያስፈልግ ነው። ለማንኛውም ወንድም ዮናታን ነቢየ እግዚአብሔር ሰሎሞን እንዳለው ኹሉም ጠፊና ኃላፊ በመሆኑ አሰላለፉንና መንገዱን ከሰማያዊው አምላክና ከማይሻር መንግሥቱ ጋር እንጂ ከኃላፊውና ተሻሪው ምድራዊ መንግሥት ጋር እንዳያደርግ፣ በሰው ልጆች ሰላም፣ አብሮነትና መቻቻል ዙሪያ እንዲያተኩር አንጋፋ የቤተ እምነቱ መምህራን ሊመክሩትና ሊገስፁት ይገባል።

በሥነ አዕምሮና (philosophy ) እና ሥነ አመክንዮ ( logics) ሥርዓተ ትምሕርት ለተዛባ ኢምክንያታዊነት የሚዳርጉና የሚሰነዘሩ 20 ፋላሲዎችን ወንድሜ የኔታ Betemariam Abebaw Bekele ዛሬ የቀዳሚት ሰንበት ማለዳ ላይ ዘርዝረዋቸው ተመለከትኩና ከዚህ ጽሑፍ ጋር ላያይዛቸው ወደድኩ።

The 20 Most Common Logical Fallacies

1. Appeal to ignorance – Thinking a claim is true (or false) because it can’t be proven true (or false).
   _
2. Ad hominem – Making a personal attack against the person saying the argument, rather than directly addressing the issue.
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3. Strawman fallacy – Misrepresenting or exaggerating another person’s argument to make it easier to attack.
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4. Bandwagon fallacy – Thinking an argument must be true because it’s popular.
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5. Naturalistic fallacy – Believing something is good or beneficial just because it’s natural.
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6. Cherry picking – Only choosing a few examples that support your argument,
   rather than looking at the full picture.
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7. False dilemma – Thinking there are only two possibilities when there may be other alternatives you haven’t considered.
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8. Begging the question – Making an argument that something is true by repeating the same thing in different words.
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9. Appeal to tradition – Believing something is right just because it’s been done around for a really long time.
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10. Appeal to emotions – Trying to persuade someone by manipulating their emotions – such as fear, anger, or ridicule – rather than making a rational case.
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11. Shifting the burden of proof – Thinking instead of proving your claim is true, the other person has to prove it’s false.
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12. Appeal to authority – Believing just because an authority or “expert” believes something than it must be true.
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13. Red herring – When you change the subject to a topic that’s easier to attack.
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14. Slippery slope – Taking an argument to an exaggerated extreme. “If we let A happen, then Z will happen.”
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15. Correlation proves causation – Believing that just because two things happen at the same time, that one must have caused the other.
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16. Anecdotal evidence – Thinking that just because something applies toyou that it must be true for most people.
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17. Equivocation – Using two different meanings of a word to prove your argument.
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18. Non sequitur – Implying a logical connection between two things that doesn’t exist. “It doesn’t follow…”
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19. Ecological fallacy – Making an assumption about a specific person based on general tendencies within a group they belong to.
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20. Fallacy fallacy – Thinking just because a claim follows a logical fallacy that it must be false.

About Post Author

Ethiopian Tribune editor

editor@ethiopiantribune.com

https://ethiopiantribune.com

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የ2014 ዓ.ም ጾመ ፍልሰታ የብፁዕ ወቅዱስ አቡነ ማትያስ ፓትርያርክ ርዕሰ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ዘኢትዮጵያ ሊቀ ጳጳስ ዘአክሱም ወእጨጌ ዘመንበረ ተክለሃይማኖት መልዕክት ከዋሽንግተን ዲሲ ሰሜን አሜሪካ።
በስመ አብ ወወልድ ወመንፈስ ቅዱስ አሐዱ አምላክ አሜን፡፡
በሀገር ውስጥም ሆነ በመላው ዓለም ዙርያ የምትገኙ የኢትዮጵያ ኦርቶዶክስ ተዋሕዶ ቤተ ክርስቲያን ምእመናንና ምእመናት፣ እንዲሁም ኢትዮጵያውያንና ኢትዮጵያውያት በሙሉ እንኳን ለጾመ ፍልሰታ ለማርያም በሰላም አደረሳችሁ !!
“ወተዘከረ ሣህሎ ዘይቤሎሙ ለአበዊነ ለአብርሃም ወለዘርዑ እስከ ለዓለም፤ ለአባቶቻችን ለአብርሃምና ለዘሩ የነገራቸውን ይቅርታውን ለዘላለሙ አሰበ” (ሉቃ.፩፥፶፭ )
ማኅደረ መለኮት፣ ማኅደረ መንፈስ ቅዱስ የሆነች እናታችን ቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም፣ በመንፈስ ቅዱስ ተሞልታ እግዚአብሔርን ባመሰገነችበት ምስጋናዋ፣ ከላይ የተጠቀሰውን ይህንን ዐረፍተ ነገር መናገሯን በቅዱስ ወንጌል ተጽፎልናል፡፡
ቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም በዚህ ምስጋናዋ የገለፀችው ዓቢይ መልእክት የክብር አምላክ እግዚአብሔር የተናገረውን የማያስቀር አምላክ መሆኑን ነው፤ ኤልሻዳይ እግዚአብሔር የተስፋ አምላክ ነውና በየጊዜው ለፍጡራኑ የተስፋ ቃል ይሰጣል፣ ቃል ኪዳንም ይገባል፣ እግዚአብሔር በክዋኔው ዘላለማዊ እንደሆነ ሁሉ ቃል ኪዳኑም ዘላለማዊ እንደሆነ “ወተዘከረ ኪዳኖ ዘለዓለም፣ ማለትም ዘላለማዊ ቃል ኪዳኑን አሰበ” በማለት ቅዱስ መጽሐፍ ያስተምረናል፡፡ እግዚአብሔር መፍቀሬ ሰብእ ከሆነ አምላካዊ ጠባዩ በመነጨ ፍቅሩ ከመጀመሪያው ሰው ከአዳም ጀምሮ ለአበው ቃል ኪዳን እንደገባላቸው ተጽፎልናል፣ ይልቁኑም ለአብርሃም “በዘርእከ ይትባረኩ ኲሎሙ አሕዛበ ምድር ማለትም የምድር አሕዛብ ሁላቸው በዘርህ ይባረካሉ” ብሎ ለዓለም ሁሉ የሚሆን በረከትና ድኅነት ከእርሱ እንደሚገኝ ቃል ኪዳን ገብቶለታል፤ ቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም “ለአብርሃምና ለዘሩ የተናገረውን ቃል አሰበ” ብላ የገለፀችውም ይህንን ቃል ኪዳን ነው፤ ምክንያቱም የምድር አሕዛብ ሁሉ የሚባረኩበት ዘር ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ በወቅቱ በማኅፀኗ እንዳለ ታውቃለችና ነው፡፡
የተወደዳችሁ የመንፈስ ቅዱስ ልጆቻችን ምእመናንና ምእመናት
ከቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም ምስጋና የምንማረው ዓቢይ ትምህርት ሁሌም የእግዚአብሔርን ድንቅ ፍቅር በማስታወስ፣ በመናገርና በመመስከር ማመስገን፣ ማሰብና ማስታወስ እንደሚገባን ነው፡፡ እግዚአብሔርም ይህንን እንደሚወድ “ወተዘከሩ መንክሮ ዘገብረ፤ ያደረገውን ድንቅ ሥራ አስቡ” ብሎ ነግሮናል፡፡
እግዚአብሔር የተናገረውን የማያስቀር ታማኝ አምላክ ነውና ለአብርሃምና ለዘሩ የገባውን ቃል ኪዳን እነሆ ከዛሬ ሁለት ሺሕ ዐሥራ አምስት ዓመታት በፊት ቃል ኪዳኑን እንደተስፋ ቃሉ በተግባር ፈጽሞአል፤የምድር አሕዛብ ሁሉ የሚባረኩበት ወይም የሚድኑበት ዘር እርሱም መድኃኒታችን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ የአብርሃም ዘር ከሆነች ከቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም ተወልዶ የምድር አሕዛብ የሆነውን በሙሉ በደመ መስቀሉ ባርኮ አንጽቶና ቀድሶ አድኖአል፡፡ እግዚአብሔር የምድር አሕዛብ ሁሉ በምሕረትና በይቅርታ እንድንባረክበት የሰጠን ዘር አምላካችን ኢየሱስ ክርስቶስ እንደሆነ ሁላችንም መገንዘብና ማመን ይገባናል፣ ይህንን ማወቅ፣ ማስተዋልና ማመን ብፅዕና ማግኘትን ያስከትላል፡፡ ቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም “ከዛሬ ጀምሮ ትውልድ ሁሉ ብፅዕት ነሽ ይሉኛል” ስትል የተናገረችው ቃለ ትንቢት የእግዚአብሔር ማደሪያ ቤተ መቅደስ መሆኗን ስለተረዳች ነው፡፡
እኛም እንደእሷ “አንትሙ ውእቱ ታቦቱ ለመንፈስ ቅዱስ ማለትም እናንተ የመንፈስ ቅዱስ ማደሪያ ናችሁ” ተብለናል፤ ቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም ማኅደረ መለኮት የሆነችው በሃይማኖት በትሕትና ነው፤ ከዚህ አንጻር እኛም በሃይማኖት ጥላ ሥር ሆነን በትሕትና በፍቅር በአንድነት የምንኖር ከሆነ የእግዚአብሔር ማደሪያ ለመሆናችን ሌላ ምስክር አያስፈልገንም፡፡ ምክንያቱም ጌታችን “ተፋቀሩ በበይናቲክሙ ወእምከመ ተፋቀርክሙ በበይናቲክሙ የአምረክሙ ዓለም በዝንቱ ከመ አርዳእየ አንትሙ፤ እርስ በርሳችሁ አብዝታችሁ ተፋቀሩ፤ እርስ በርሳችሁ ከተዋደዳችሁ ደቀመዛሙርቴ እንደሆናችሁ ዓለም በዚህ ያውቃል” ብሎ እንዳስተማረን ምስክሮቻችን ፍቅር አንድነትና ትሕትና ይሆናሉና ነው፡፡
የተወደዳችሁ ልጆቻችን ምእመናንና ምእመናት
ከነገው ዕለት ጀምሮ የምንጾመው የጾመ ማርያም ዋና ዓላማ ጠብንና ጥላቻን ማሸነፍ የሚያስችል የይቅርታን የፍቅርንና የአንድነትን ኃይል በመለኮት ፈቃድ ለማጐልበት ነው፤ የተለየ የጾም፣ የጸሎት፣ የንሥሐ ጊዜ ወስኖ እግዚአብሔርን መለመንና ከእርሱ ጋር መገናኘት ከጥንት ጀምሮ የሃይማኖት መርሕ ነው፡፡ በዚህ መርሕ ተመርተው ሕዝባቸውንና ሀገራቸውን ከመከራና ከፈተና የታደጉ ቅዱሳን ብዙ ናቸው፡፡ የልቡናቸውን መልካም ምኞት ያገኙም እንደዚሁ ብዙ ናቸው፡፡
እኛም ሐዋርያዊት ቤተ ክርስቲያን በደነገገችው የቀኖና ድንጋጌ መሠረት የምንጾመው ጾመ ማርያም፣ ቅዱሳን ሐዋርያት ጌታችን የልቡናቸውን መሻት እንዲፈጽምላቸው የጾሙትና የለመኑትን ያገኙበት ኩነት መነሻ አድርገን እግዚአብሔር እንደነሱ የልቡናችንን መሻት እንዲፈጽምልን በማመንና ተስፋ በማድረግ ነው፤ ከዚህ አንጻር የቅድስት ድንግል ማርያም ነገረ ትንሣኤ ወፍልሰት በማሰብ ከእግዚአብሔር ጋር ለመገናኘት በብርቱ እንጥራለን፣ እንጾማለን፣ እንጸልያለን፣ በንሥሐም ወደ እርሱ እንቀርባለን፣ ቅዱስ ምሥጢረ ቊርባንንም እንቀበላለን፤ በዚህም ከእግዚአብሔር ጋር እንገናኛለን፡፡ ይህ ሲሆን እግዚአብሔር የልባችንን መሻት በብሩህ ገጽ ተቀብሎ ይፈጽምልናል፡፡ ሁላችንም እንደምንገነዘበው በአሁኑ ጊዜ የኢትዮጵያ ሕዝብ ፍላጎት ፍጹም ሰላም ያላት ሀገር እንድትኖረው ነው፤ ይህ ትክክለኛ ፍላጎት ነው፡፡ ይሁንና ያለ እግዚአብሔር ፈቃድ ሁሉም ነገር ስለማይሆን ፍጹም ሰላም በሀገር ሰፍኖ ሕዝባችን እግዚአብሔር በሰጠው ምድር በፍቅር፣ በአንድነት በነጻነትና በእኩልነት እንዲኖር ኢትዮጵያውያንና ኢትዮጵያውያት ሁሉ በዚህ ወቅት የቅድስት ድንግል ማርያምን ጸሎትና ስእለት ተማኅፅኖና አስተበቊዖት አጋዥ አድርገን በልዩ ሱባዔ ወደ እግዚአብሔር በመቅረብ በንሥሐ፣ በጾም፣ በጸሎት፣ ነዳያንን በመርዳትና ቅዱስ ቊርባንን በመቀበል እሱን መማፀን ይኖርብናል፡፡
በመጨረሻም
በሀገራችን የተከሠቱት ያላስፈላጊ ግጭቶችን በድርድር ለመፍታት እየተሞከሩ ያሉ አንዳንድ የሰላምና የውይይት ድምፆች ተስፋ ሰጪ ስለሆኑ ሥር ሰደው፣ በተግባር ተተርጉመው፣ ለተጐዳው ሕዝባችን መጠገኛ ይሆኑ ዘንድ፣ ኢትዮጵያውያንና ኢትዮጵያውያት ሁሉ በዚህ ዙርያ በሱባዔው ወቅት ወደ እግዚአብሔር አቤት በማለትና ሂደቱን በመደገፍ የበኩላቸውን ጥረት እንዲያደርጉ፣ መንግሥትም ሆነ የዓለም አቀፉ ማኅበረ ሰብ በዚህ በጎ ሐሳብ እንዲገፉበትና ሕዝባችንንና ሀገራችንን ከጥፋት እንዲታደጉ አባታዊ መልእክታችንን በእግዚአብሔር ስም እናስተላልፋለን፡፡
እግዚአብሔር አምላክ ጾሙን የሰላም የሥርየት የፍቅር የአንድነት ጾም ያድርግልን፡፡
ኢትዮጵያንና ሕዝቦቿን ይባርክ
ወስብሐት ለእግዚአብሔር አሜን
አባ ማትያስ ቀዳማዊ ፓትርያርክ ርእሰ ሊቃነ ጳጳሳት ዘኢትዮጵያ
ሊቀ ጳጳስ ዘአኵስም ወዕጨጌ ዘመንበረ ተክለ ሃይማኖት
ዋሽንግተን ዲሲ አሜሪካ ፡፡

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Ethiopian Tribune editor

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https://ethiopiantribune.com

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