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The Economist’s judgment will ultimately be tested not in editorial columns but in the lived experience of Ethiopians. If the coming election allows citizens to speak, organise, and choose without fear—if opposition parties can campaign freely, if media can report critically, if the outcome is genuinely uncertain—then it will be a milestone in democratisation. If it does not, it will be another chapter in the long story of power consolidated in the language of reform.
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This gap is not accidental. It is engineered. Over the past eighteen months, the government has constructed an elaborate counter-narrative to obscure the severity of the macroeconomic crisis. Gold mining has become the centrepiece of this fiction. Official figures claim the sector generated USD 3.5 billion in export revenue over eight months, a stunning reversal that has displaced coffee as the nation’s primary export earner. The Ministry of Mines announced a 92 per cent increase in revenue compared to the prior year. Industrial projects like KEFI Gold’s Tulu Kapi venture and Zijin Mining’s acquisition of Allied Gold for USD 4 billion are paraded as proof of transformation.
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the author notes, “sovereignty is not merely a legal status but an actively maintained condition” (p.1).
MGH then reframes the Abraham Accords as the institutional scaffolding of Trump‑era transactional geopolitics, designed to align Gulf states behind Israeli strategic primacy while isolating Iran. The article highlights how the Accords evolved into a multi‑layered security, intelligence, and economic network one that has already extended into the Red Sea–Horn corridor through Israel’s recognition of Somaliland and the emerging Israel–UAE–India–Ethiopia axis.
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The press conference that never happened spoke louder than any speech.
In the days leading up to the release, Teddy Afro was reportedly prevented from holding a press conference. He did not protest publicly. He did not issue a statement. He simply announced that the album would drop on YouTube at 2 p.m. The message was clear: if the physical stage is denied, the digital stage remains.
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This essay examines the historical and cultural origins of the “ape” insult as applied to racialised groups, tracing a line from the misappropriation of Darwinian evolutionary theory through 19th-century scientific racism to the visual propaganda of the present day. The author’s inquiry is prompted by three concurrent incidents: a social media post by the US president deploying primate imagery against a Black former head of state and his wife; a legal complaint in Sweden over educational material depicting marginalised youth as apes; and the persistent reality of monkey chants directed at Black footballers in European stadiums.
