Understanding Malicious Envy (“ምቀኛ”, məqəñña): Political, Social, and Economic Implications in Ethiopia (Part 1)

By Professor Girma Berhanu

Introduction

A respected elder once asked me to write something about malicious envy. He believed that one of the core reasons Ethiopia continues to face hardship, underdevelopment, and internal strife is not merely external interference, poor leadership, or poverty—but a deeply rooted cultural phenomenon: Mikegnet (ምቀኝነት). According to him, malicious envy is a silent, invisible enemy that has permeated social relationships, politics, and even the freedom movements that aim to liberate the country. He pointed out that many promising efforts for change have been crippled not by external forces, but by internal sabotage born of envy and resentment.

At first, I hesitated. I asked myself: is there even a word for Mikegnet in other languages? How does it differ from jealousy? I began exploring this theme, but it took me two years to truly understand the depth of what he was asking—and to feel ready to write about it.

This article is not a conclusive analysis, but a beginning—a reflection meant to raise awareness, provoke thought, and invite conversation about a destructive force we rarely name directly. In everyday conversation, envy and jealousy are often used interchangeably, but they are not the same. Philosophers and psychologists have long made a distinction. Jealousy usually involves a fear of loss—for example, fearing that someone will take your partner, your job, or your position. It is often about protecting what you already have. Envy, particularly malicious envy, is something deeper and darker. It is the pain or resentment one feels at the sight of another’s success, happiness, or possessions—even if that success has no impact on your own life. The ancient Greek philosopher Aristotle viewed envy (phthonos) as inherently negative. He described it as pain caused by the good fortune of others—not because that fortune harms you, but because they simply have what you do not. In this sense, malicious envy is not just a personal emotion; it is a corrosive attitude toward the success of others and a desire to see them brought down.

Mikegnet is not just a private feeling—it is a cultural illness with public consequences. By acknowledging its presence in our society, we can begin to heal. Not through blame, but through honesty. Not through shame, but through reflection.

The elder who asked me to write about this was right: malicious envy may be one of the most overlooked barriers to Ethiopia’s progress. My hope is that by talking about it—openly and sincerely—we can begin to disarm it. In Ethiopia, Mikegnet is a word that many people understand intuitively. It refers not just to envy, but to a bitter, toxic kind—the kind that leads people to undermine others rather than celebrate them. It manifests in many forms: When a person excels in their work, they are accused of arrogance; When someone gains recognition, others say they “must have connections.”

The emergence of community leaders is frequently accompanied by resistance from within their own constituencies. In the context of the Amhara struggle for freedom, this phenomenon has been observed with particular emphasis. Professor Asrat Woldeyes, a prominent advocate for the rights and liberation of the Amhara people, highlighted the tendency toward self-sabotage, wherein individuals undermine collective progress by privileging personal interests over communal well-being. These dynamic warrantscareful examination, as it represents a critical obstacle to the pursuit of unity and sustained political struggle. This type of envy doesn’t just stay in the heart; it acts. It gossips, sabotages, isolates, and destroys. It is especially dangerous in a collective culture like ours, where relationships and reputation mean everything.

A Historical Example: The Ethiopian Revolution

I remember my father saying, “The Ethiopian revolution was driven by malicious envy.” The Derg, made up of junior military officers, overthrew a monarchy and a class of civilians who were, by and large, more educated, experienced, and internationally connected. My father described how these officers, many of them uneducated and deeply resentful, labeled the upper class as “reactionaries” and had them executed. In theory, this was a revolution of equality and justice. In practice, it became a purge driven by bitterness, distrust, and the desire to destroy those who had what the revolutionaries lacked. Talented individuals were eliminated, not because they were corrupt, but because their very existence provoked envy. The consequences were catastrophic. A generation of thinkers, professionals, and community leaders was lost. Institutions were decimated. Progress halted.

Malicious Envy in the Present

Sadly, the same spirit of Mikegnet still lingers in our society today. In politics, movements fall apart not because of ideological differences, but because leaders turn against one another out of envy. In academia, talented scholars are sidelined by their colleagues. In business, successful entrepreneurs are targeted by smear campaigns. In the diaspora, even community organizations are fractured by internal rivalries. People often ask why we, as Ethiopians, struggle to unite, even when we share common goals. Perhaps one answer lies here: malicious envy weakens trust, poisons relationships, and makes collaboration nearly impossible. It thrives in silence, hidden behind smiles and empty praise.

Why It Matters

If we don’t name this problem, we can’t solve it. We talk about bad governance, poverty, lack of education, ethnic division—but rarely do we look inward and ask how our own attitudes may be contributing to the dysfunction around us.

Malicious envy does more than damage individuals—it eats away at the social fabric. It punishes excellence. It discourages initiative. It fuels mediocrity. And in the long run, it delays national progress.

The aim of this study is to investigate the ways in which micro-level emotions are transformed into macro-level outcomes within the Ethiopian context. Specifically, it seeks to analyze the manifestations of the “ምቀኛ” (envy/resentment) syndrome and to evaluate its political, social, and economic consequences. By mapping the trajectory from individual emotional dispositions to collective behavioral patterns, the study aims to illuminate how seemingly personal sentiments contribute to broader structural challenges and enduring obstacles to national cohesion and development.

Conceptual Challenges and cross cultural perspectives

The concepts of jealousy, envy, malicious envy, benign envy, resentment, and related affective states are notoriously resistant to precise definition. Scholars in psychology, philosophy, and anthropology have long noted the semantic and experiential overlap among these terms, which complicates efforts at conceptual clarity. This challenge becomes even more pronounced in comparative cultural and religious analyses, where the meanings, moral valences, and social functions of such emotions vary not only across societies but also within particular cultures, regions, and traditions.

For instance, in a quantitative study titled Why You and Not Me? Expressions of Envy in Indonesia and Sweden, researchers examined the experience of envy in two distinct cultural contexts. They found that envy, while almost universally regarded as a shameful emotion, is experienced and articulated differently across languages and cultural settings. In the Indonesian context, the term for envy encompassed a broader range of emotional expressions than in Swedish, where such nuances were less common. Respondents in both Sweden and Java reported being envied primarily by individuals within their social circles—such as friends or fellow students—indicating that envy is often rooted in proximate, relational dynamics.

Similarly, in Examining Benign and Malicious Envy and Flourishing Among Muslim University Students in Algeria: A Quantitative Study, the authors emphasized the complex and multifaceted nature of envy, documenting its detrimental effects on students’ well-being and academic engagement. They argued for culturally sensitive frameworks that account for the unique role of envy within Muslim societies, highlighting that such approaches are essential for designing interventions that promote flourishing among young adults.

Taken together, these studies underscore that the experience, expression, and consequences of envy are highly context-dependent. They illustrate that even ostensibly universal emotions cannot be fully understood without careful attention to cultural, linguistic, and social frameworks. This insight is particularly relevant for examining the Ethiopian context, where emotions such as envy, resentment, and related affective states—often described by the terms ቅናት and ምቀኝነት—may similarly interact with social, political, and economic structures, shaping collective outcomes in ways that are both nuanced and culturally specific.

I do not intend to dwell extensively on the broader academic debates regarding the dimensions of envy; however, the concepts of episodic and dispositional envy are particularly relevant here. Whether envy should be understood as episodic—temporary and situation-specific, as suggested by Cohen-Charash (2009)—or dispositional—a stable personality tendency, as proposed by Smith (2008)—remains a topic of scholarly discussion (see Cohen-Charash & Mueller, 2009). The central question concerns whether envy comprises a single component, as Smith argues, or two distinct components, as Cohen-Charash maintains. While most individuals experience envy at some point, Cohen-Charash highlights that certain individuals have a higher chronic tendency to feel envy. Chronically envious individuals differ from those who experience envy only occasionally or in specific contexts. Smith et al. (1999) argued that an envious personality is characterized by a persistent sense of inferiority and a chronic feeling of ill will toward those who are better off. In contrast, Cohen-Charash contends that individuals do not need to be chronically malicious or feel inferior to experience episodic envy. In connection with this, a recent study Psychometric properties of the Benign and Malicious Envy Scale: Assessment of structure, reliability, and measurement invariance across the United States, Germany, Russia, and Poland reveals that speak to the current debate about whether envy should be conceptualized as unitary or as an emotion that occurs in two distinct forms, supporting the latter view. Additionally, country-level differences in envy point to cultural differences which merit further research.

In the Ethiopian context, understanding the interplay between episodic and dispositional forms of envy can shed light on social phenomena associated with ቅናት and ምቀኝነት. By situating these culturally specific emotions within the broader theoretical framework, it becomes possible to explore how individual affective tendencies translate into collective behaviors, with implications for political, social, and economic outcomes.

One particularly significant phenomenon in the Ethiopian context is the distinction between ቅናት (benign envy/jealousy) and ምቀኝነት (malicious envy). The Amharic language provides a uniquely illustrative lens for exploring these concepts. In some languages, jealousy is primarily associated with interpersonal relationships, typically involving three actors in a triangular dynamic. In others, jealousy is treated as a milder form of envy that can serve as a motivator—an inspiring feeling that drives individuals to achieve more. Even within Amharic, which is notably rich in lexicon, ቅናትand ምቀኝነት are closely intertwined, often portrayed along a continuum rather than as entirely discrete categories.

Based on my conversations with dozens of individuals from religious, psychological, and linguistic perspectives, the conceptual boundaries between these terms remain deeply contested. This confusion is also evident in scriptural traditions: both the Bible and the Qur’an employ the terms in overlapping and sometimes interchangeable ways.

The philosophical tradition provides further insight into the destructive potential of envy. Nietzsche, for example, treated envy as a powerful but dangerous emotion, intimately tied to ressentiment—a corrosive resentment that compels individuals to drag others down rather than elevate themselves. For Nietzsche, envy becomes destructive when it fuels hostility, moralizing, or denial of life’s inequalities, rather than channeling energy into self-overcoming. This destructive dimension resonates with the Amharic notion of ምቀኝነት.  Modern psychological research similarly distinguishes between two forms of envy. Van de Ven, Lange, and others differentiate between: Benign envy (ቅናት): Motivates self-improvement (e.g., “They succeeded, so I will try harder”). Malicious envy (ምቀኝነት): Motivates hostility and sabotage (e.g., “I wish they would fail so I would not feel inferior”).

In this article, I equate ምቀኝነት with malicious envy, given its destructive, aggressive, and often resentment-fueled character, while ቅናት aligns more closely with benign envy, which carries the potential to inspire growth and self-betterment.

Moral Lessons from the Quran: Envy is discouraged because it can lead to harm, whether spiritual, social, or personal; Seeking refuge in Allah from envy (hasad) is a spiritual practice to protect oneself and others. Surah An-Nisa (4:32), This verse warns against envying others’ provisions or status.

The biblical narrative of Cain and Abel (Genesis 4:1–16) provides one of the earliest illustrations of envy’s destructive potential. Cain’s resentment of Abel’s favor before God did not inspire self-reflection or the improvement of his own offering; instead, it led to comparison, bitterness, and hostility toward his brother. What began as envy developed into anger and culminated in violence, underscoring how unchecked jealousy can escalate into destructive action. The story highlights envy’s blinding effect, as Cain fixated on Abel rather than critically examining his own choices and responsibilities.

This theme reappears in the New Testament. Romans 1:29, in several modern translations, lists envy among a cluster of destructive dispositions: “They were filled with all manner of unrighteousness, evil, covetousness, malice. They are full of envy, murder, strife, deceit, maliciousness. They are gossips.”Here envy is not merely a private feeling but a social vice aligned with other corrosive forces, illustrating its role in fostering conflict, moral decline, and the breakdown of communal life.

Viewed through the lens of Amharic conceptual distinctions, the Cain and Abel narrative exemplifies ምቀኝነት—malicious envy—rather than ቅናት. Instead of motivating Cain toward self-improvement (as benign envy might), his envy transformed into resentment, anger, and ultimately aggression. This destructive trajectory mirrors what modern psychology identifies as malicious envy: an affective state that seeks not to elevate the self but to bring others down. The scriptural texts, therefore, not only illuminate the universality of envy as a human experience but also reinforce the cultural salience of distinguishing between ቅናት as a potentially constructive motivator and ምቀኝነት as a corrosive, socially destabilizing force.

Empirical Material: Personal account, sayings and proverbs

This section draws on personal accounts and anecdotal evidence as part of the study’s methodological approach. Firsthand narratives or testimonies, in which individuals describe their own experiences, serve as qualitative data that can provide rich insights into lived realities. Such data are commonly used in case studies, ethnographies, and interviews, and are particularly valuable for capturing the depth, context, and nuance of human experience that may not emerge from quantitative methods.

Anecdotal evidence, while broader in scope—including short, informal stories or second-hand reports—is treated with caution in research due to its lack of scientific rigor, control, and generalizability. In this study, however, personal accounts and anecdotal evidence are deliberately employed not to produce statistically generalizable findings, but to illustrate patterns, reveal culturally specific understandings of ቅናትand ምቀኝነት, and provide contextual depth that complements other sources of data. By integrating these narratives, the study foregrounds the lived experiences of individuals while maintaining transparency about the interpretive and exploratory nature of the evidence.

The concept of envy has been examined across religious, philosophical, and psychological traditions, and its manifestations are deeply influenced by cultural context. The biblical narrative of Cain and Abel (Genesis 4:1–16) provides an early illustration of envy’s destructive potential. Cain’s resentment of Abel’s favor before God did not inspire self-reflection or improvement of his own offering; instead, it led to comparison, bitterness, and ultimately, violence. The story highlights envy’s blinding effect, as Cain fixated on Abel rather than critically examining his own actions. Similarly, Romans 1:29 emphasizes envy among a cluster of socially corrosive dispositions, including malice, deceit, and strife, portraying it as a force that disrupts communal life. Viewed through the lens of Amharic concepts, this narrative exemplifies ምቀኝነት—malicious envy—where the focus is on bringing others down rather than self-improvement.

Philosophical accounts, such as Nietzsche’s analysis, also underscore the destructive dimension of envy. He linked envy to ressentiment, a corrosive resentment that drives individuals to undermine others rather than elevate themselves. Malicious envy, in both Nietzsche’s account and in Amharic conceptualization, is characterized by hostility, aggression, and schadenfreude, distinguishing it from benign forms of envy that motivate personal growth. Modern psychological research further supports this distinction. Scholars such as Van de Ven and Lange differentiate between benign envy (ቅናት), which inspires self-improvement, and malicious envy (ምቀኝነት), which fuels hostility and attempts to undermine others.

These theoretical perspectives resonate strongly with Ethiopian social practices. For example, individuals preparing to travel abroad, particularly for permanent relocation or scholarships, often keep their plans private. During my residence in Ethiopia, potential travelers frequently did not disclose their intentions to friends or even romantic partners, motivated by fear that malicious envy (ምቀኝነት) might lead others to report them to authorities or otherwise impede their departure. This practice was especially common during the Marxist regime, when movement restrictions were stricter, and parents often cautioned children to remain discreet. In contrast, benign envy (ቅናት) would manifest in peers supporting or emulating the traveler’s success rather than obstructing it.

Taken together, these examples—from scripture, philosophy, psychology, and Ethiopian culture—highlight that envy is not a monolithic emotion. Its consequences, whether destructive or constructive, depend on both individual dispositions and cultural context. In the Ethiopian setting, distinguishing between ቅናት and ምቀኝነት allows for a nuanced understanding of how envy shapes behavior, social interactions, and even life outcomes, illustrating the interplay between universal human emotions and culturally specific frameworks.

There are countless cases that I have personally experienced, and others continue to experience, especially in the struggle for freedom, democracy, and unity. During the Tigray conflict about five years ago, a friend living in Sweden happened to give a “thumbs up” on a Facebook post made during the Ethiopian national army’s occupation of the capital city of Tigray. A Tigrayan activist then contacted this friend’s employer and demanded that he be fired, accusing him of encouraging violence and claiming he was unfit to teach young Swedes.

The principal, completely confused, was at a loss for how to respond to the accusation. Some might dismiss this as political vendetta, but the viciousness of the letter I happened to read—and the malicious envy embedded within it—was truly astounding.

I have personally been the subject of accusations due to my opinions expressed in media presentations, popular articles, and public debates. The actions of my accusers are, in some respects, quite remarkable. They have contacted my employer—the university—with the intent to defame me and have even requested my dismissal. The grounds cited for these demands are, frankly, too embarrassing to enumerate here.

These attacks have come from various groups, including Tigrayan and Oromo activists, but the most severe have originated from those identifying as Amhara activists. Their objectives appear twofold: first, to silence my voice, and second, to remove a tenured professor from his position, motivated by apparently malicious envy. It is notable that these individuals often lack advanced education and frequently fail to articulate their allegations coherently.

Recently, I have observed that many Amhara elites refrain from actively advocating for justice and the freedom of oppressed peoples, largely due to a fear of character assassination or repercussions from university authorities. Nonetheless, this fear cannot justify their silence or abdication of responsibility to speak on behalf of the voiceless.

It is clear that political aggression and malicious envy are deeply intertwined phenomena, and this troubling dynamic persists strongly within the diaspora community.

The following sayings and proverbs are quite revealing. In the Amharic language, there are hundreds of such expressions imbued with complex messages—some serve as moral precepts or educational content, while others convey more vicious sentiments. It is possible that other cultures possess similar expressions, though I have yet to find sufficient examples at this stage. Amharic is notably rich in idiomatic expressions and folklore.

For example, consider these proverbs:

• “Another’s egg is better than many eggs of one’s own”reflects the common human tendency toward envy, overvaluing what belongs to others.

• “Don’t sabotage another even if you cannot eat yourself”warns against malicious behavior driven by envy or spite.

• “If your neighbor’s lion harms you, know that your protector is also a lion” highlights the complex dynamics of rivalry and protection within communities.

• A house full of envy is like a desert (empty, lifeless).

• Envy distorts a person’s character.

• Envy destroys communities.

• A person with envy is worse than an enemy.

• Envy burns a person like fire.

• A heart filled with envy never finds rest.

Envy destroys the envious, not the one envied.

አንተም አታገኛት፣ እኔም አላገኛት!

እኔ ከሞትኩ ሰርዶ አይብቀል!

የሙት ምቀኛ ሚስቴን አደራ ይላል

These proverbs not only reveal the cultural awareness of envy and malice but also serve as implicit advice promoting social cohesion and personal integrity. While the abundance of such sayings indicates that envy and maliciousness are recognized social phenomena, it does not necessarily imply that the Amhara people or culture are uniquely afflicted by this social ill. To substantiate such a claim would require comprehensive comparative studies across different cultures. Nonetheless, there is cause for concern. It is imperative to educate the younger generation to overcome such malice and instead aspire toward harmony and collaboration in both political and social life. By harnessing the cultural wisdom embedded in these proverbs, we can foster a society that values cooperation over division.

Malicious Envy at the Group Level

Malicious envy transcends the mere aspiration to acquire what another possesses; it involves an active intent to undermine or diminish the envied party. When manifested between social or ethnic groups, this form of envy engenders hostile attitudes and may precipitate deliberate actions aimed at impeding, marginalizing, or otherwise harming the targeted group.

At the collective level, malicious envy can be observed in various sociopolitical and organizational contexts. Social or ethnic groups may develop profound resentment toward another group’s economic, political, or cultural successes, which can manifest in discriminatory practices, exclusionary policies, or intergroup hostility. Similarly, within institutional or workplace environments, rival teams may engage in efforts to sabotage the performance or reputation of more successful counterparts. This form of envy is distinguished not merely by feelings of resentment but by a proactive desire to reverse or diminish the advantaged status of the other group.

A salient example of this dynamic is evident in the history of Ethiopia. Despite the Amhara ethnic group not historically occupying a particularly privileged or dominant position, the Tigrean rebel movements—specifically the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF)—exhibited pronounced resentment toward the Amhara, often expressed through concerted anti-Amhara propaganda campaigns. Following their ascendancy to power in 1991, one of their immediate actions was the summary dismissal of 42 university professors of Amhara descent,whom they accused of reactionary allegiance. These positions were frequently filled by individuals from the Tigrean ethnic group or government loyalists, many of whom lacked the requisite qualifications, thereby undermining institutional meritocracy and exacerbating ethnic tensions.

Ethiopia has become a Case Study of Malicious Envy and Collective Schadenfreude. Ethiopia provides a stark example of how schadenfreude—taking pleasure in another’s misfortune—and malicious envy at the group level can escalate into collective schadenfreude, whereby groups experience satisfaction when the envied group suffers setbacks or failures, sometimes to the extent of genocidal violence. Both the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) and the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF), along with government forces, have been accused of perpetrating ongoing genocidal actions against the Amhara ethnic group.

The Ethno-Political Crisis in Ethiopia: Cultural Erasure, Historical Revisionism, and the Psychology of Power

Ethiopia is currently undergoing one of the most profound socio-political and cultural crises in its modern history. What we are witnessing is a form of ethnic apartheid, marked by widespread atrocity crimes, state-led cultural destruction, and the fragmentation of the Ethiopian national identity. Central to this crisis is a regime predominantly dominated by elements aligned with Oromo ethno-nationalist ideology, which exerts control over the country’s key institutions, including the military, the economy, the political system, and the social infrastructure.

Under the guise of federalism and ethnic empowerment, there has been a systematic campaign to dismantle the foundational symbols and legacies of Ethiopian statehood—particularly those associated with the Amhara people and broader Ethiopian national culture. Historic sites have been deliberately destroyed, urban neighborhoods demolished, and long-time residents forcibly displaced to the peripheries of major cities, including the capital. These actions represent not only physical destruction but also symbolic violence against collective memory and cultural heritage.

In parallel, there is a visible and deliberate erosion of the Amharic language, historically the lingua franca of the Ethiopian state. Cultural traditions associated with Ethiopian identity—often deeply intertwined with Orthodox Christianity and Amhara heritage—are being marginalized or actively suppressed. This assault may be conceptualized as a coordinated campaign of culturicide (destruction of cultural identity), linguicide (erasure of language), and historicide(rewriting or erasure of history), building upon an ongoing pattern of ethnocide that has persisted in various forms over the past several decades.

A particularly concerning dimension of this campaign is the appropriation and rebranding of national symbols, histories, and heritage as exclusively belonging to the Oromo people or the Oromia region (often framed under the ideology of “Kegna”). This dual process of cultural dispossession—of one group—and cultural monopolization—by another—raises important psychological and political questions.

One potential explanation for these patterns lies in the psychosocial dynamics of identity politics, particularly the interplay between malicious envy and inferiority complexesin the construction of ethno-political ideologies.

• Malicious envy refers to a destructive form of envy wherein the goal is not only to attain what another group has, but to deprive them of it entirely—undermining their status, history, or achievements.

• An inferiority complex, on the other hand, is characterized by internalized feelings of inadequacy, often resulting from historical marginalization, perceived exclusion, or repeated social comparison.

Both psychological dispositions are grounded in low collective self-esteem and foster political behavior that is either compensatory (through exaggerated identity claims) or aggressive (through symbolic and material displacement of the “other”). In the current Ethiopian context, these dynamics appear to underpin the actions of certain political actors within the Oromo nationalist elite, whose policies and rhetoric exhibit both deep-seated resentment toward historical Ethiopian identity and a desire to redefine the nation’s narrative through a narrow ethno-nationalist lens.

What emerges from this dynamic is not a pluralistic or inclusive federation, but rather a project of ethno-hegemony that undermines the possibility of national cohesion. The consequences are far-reaching: the delegitimization of shared national identity, deepening ethnic polarization, and the erosion of a historically rich and multi-ethnic civilization.

This trajectory, if left unchallenged, threatens the long-term viability of Ethiopia as a unified political entity. It necessitates urgent scholarly, political, and civil society engagement to confront not only the immediate manifestations of violence and displacement, but also the deeper ideological currents driving this destructive transformation.

Politics serves as a particularly potent arena for malicious envy at the group level, as power, resources, and influence are contested, intensifying group identities and rivalries. In Ethiopia, ethnic group identity has become deeply intertwined with political polarization, contributing to the nation’s fragmentation. Political entities—whether parties, ideological factions, or ethnic/regional blocs—are often inseparable from ethnic group identity. When one group attains power or control over resources, rival groups frequently experience not only a desire for similar power but also a malicious wish to see their opponents lose influence or be discredited. These dynamic fuels intense partisanship and polarization, obstructing compromise and dialogue.

Recognizing malicious envy at the group level offers important insights into intergroup conflict beyond material or political grievances. It underscores the emotional and identity-driven roots of rivalry and hatred, emphasizing that such conflicts are not solely about resources but also about recognition, status, and group dignity. Understanding these psychological and social dynamics is crucial for devising effective conflict resolution strategies that prioritize shared identity, fairness, and cooperation over zero-sum competition.

Strategies to Mitigate Malicious Envy in Politics

• Promoting Superordinate Identities: Emphasizing a shared national or civic identity (Pan Ethiopianism) that transcends ethnic and factional divisions can help unite disparate groups.

• Fair Power-Sharing: Inclusive political frameworks that guarantee meaningful representation for diverse ethnic groups can reduce feelings of exclusion and envy.

• Dialogue and Conflict Resolution: Facilitating open communication and cooperative engagement between groups builds empathy and trust.

• Transparency and Fairness: Ensuring political processes are perceived as just and equitable can diminish resentment and suspicion.

Unfortunately, the current political climate in Ethiopia diverges sharply from these approaches. Instead of inclusion and dialogue, there is pervasive arrogance, cruelty, and entrenched hostility, with no clear resolution in sight. Multiple armed factions, including government forces, are engaged in ongoing conflict. Among those most affected and marginalized are the Amhara people. In response, the Fano militia has emerged, fighting under the banner of both the Amhara ethnic group and the Ethiopian nation, engaged in what they describe as an existential struggle for both the survival of their people and the country. However, one observation I would like to offer is that even among this group—the Fano leadership—there are signs that they, too, may not be immune to the psychological syndrome of malicious envy. In my earlier analysis of Fano’s internal challenges and setbacks, I emphasized factors such as inflated self-importance (ego), power struggles, financial motivations, and tribalism or regional parochialism. While these remain critical elements, I now argue that an often-overlooked yet powerful underlying driver connecting them all may be malicious envy—a destructive force that operates beneath the surface, shaping attitudes, alliances, and conflicts.

To be continued …